The average family in Belarus consists of. How does the average Belarusian family live?
2013 was marked by a whole scattering of statistical collections in different areas of social life: information society, foreign trade, regions, investment and construction, trade, industry, education, etc. However, I would like to dwell on one of them separately - "Family in the Republic of Belarus" .
The appearance of this collection is quite expected against the background of the intensifying demographic policy and the leveling out of the significance of gender policy. The official position on this issue can be expressed as follows: rationing instead of diversity. Even on the cover of the collection, we see the socially desirable image of the family - a heterosexual family with two children. “Single” mothers, large families, same-sex families, and childless families remain outside the scope of the image. All of them already appear as deviations in one direction or another from the normative model.
However, abstracting from this visual representation and official rhetoric, let us turn to what is presented in this collection. What is “family in the Republic of Belarus” like? What trends and processes can we observe based on statistical data?
Families and households
The collection gives the following definition of a family: A family consists of two or more persons who are related by kinship or a relationship arising from marriage, living together and having a common budget. Unlike a household, a family does not include non-relatives, and a family is not one person who lives independently and provides himself with everything necessary for life..
Accordingly, the collection provides data on two types of family practices, namely, married families and the so-called “incomplete” families. It is important to emphasize here that there is an increase in the number of families consisting of mothers with children. At the same time, an interesting category of “other families” appears, although it is not explained in any way which families are being discussed in this case.
This classification does not reflect the real practice of living people. In particular, the number of people living completely independently, since such people do not fall into the concept of "family". Also, same-sex families are excluded from this classification, or they fall into the category of “single mothers” or “single fathers, because they cannot register their relationship. In addition, all those people who are not considered family are deprived of certain social guarantees. For example, the issue of housing becomes practically insoluble for many who have not married, have no children and, accordingly, cannot qualify for social housing or construction benefits.
More interesting are data on the structure of private households. The statistics clearly show that a third of the population lives “alone”, but is not considered a family and falls outside the scope of social guarantees. It is important to note that half of these one-person urban households are over working age. About 15% of people of working age live "alone" in cities.
The emergence of two different concepts - "family" and "private household" - in fact, testified to the fact that the rigid concept of "family" excluded a large number of people and their practice of living. At the same time, the study of households makes it possible to include various groups in the focus of attention of social systems, to be more sensitive to their needs and requirements. The emergence of these concepts is nothing new, but they can be a good example of how one normative model can exclude a variety of social groups and experiences. Accordingly, there is a need for categories that would be more sensitive to different types of experience.
Social transformations: marriage and divorce rates
Attempts to define one normative type of family, in fact, ignore the various social transformations taking place in society. The traditional family model does not fit the realities of modernity, where this model is not more attractive to people oriented towards more flexible models. It is not surprising that there is an increase in the number of people who have never been married. So if in 1999 24.3% of men and 16.8% of women were not married, then already in 2009 - 26.7% of men and 18% of women. The number of divorces is also growing.
The age at first marriage has increased significantly. In 2005, the average age at first marriage was 25.7 years for men and 23.5 years for women. In 2012 - 26.7 and 24.6 years, respectively. Younger men and women prefer to marry later. Accordingly, the number of marriages at an early age has decreased, up to 19 years.
However, it is important to emphasize that young women are still more likely to marry early than men. This indicates that traditional attitudes towards gender roles still persist. In other words, for women, marriage and the creation of a family and the birth of children are considered paramount. For men, these regulations are not so strict. In addition, they are assigned the role of "earners", and, therefore, a later marriage for men is encouraged by financial motives: a man at an older age is more capable of supporting a family. As a result, men are more likely to get a good education, work, and access to resources. Women, on the other hand, who are forced to bear full responsibility for the life and upbringing of children from an early age, do not have sufficient resources for self-sufficiency and are at risk of poverty and economic dependence.
Thus, on the one hand, traditional attitudes towards marriage and family relations are still preserved, but on the other hand, these trends indicate social changes that naturally require a rethinking of the institution of the family. Although such phenomena as an increase in the number of divorces are often viewed as symptoms of a “decline in morality and ethics,” they should be assessed only as symptoms of inevitable changes, the strengthening of the position of women, which requires a revision of the traditional gender order.
Childbearing practices
In recent years, the number of children born out of wedlock has been decreasing. Young women prefer to have children in a registered marriage. Perhaps this is due to a more conscious and rational approach to the appearance of children, the desire to have a certain social and economic security. Modern negative trends in the economic sphere, in particular the extremely low level of social benefits for childcare, require women to make a more thoughtful and balanced decision regarding reproduction. Moreover, some social guarantees, such as housing, can only be obtained in the status of, for example, a young family.
Naturally, the average age of the mother at the birth of her first child has also increased. In the republic it was 25.2 years. There are some differences between urban and rural areas. So among urban women, the average age of birth of the first child is 25.7 years, while among women in rural areas - 23.7 years.
At the same time, the level of contraceptive culture is still not high enough. The data presented in the collection allow us to state that the level of use of oral contraception is decreasing, while pregnancy is not desirable for a certain part of women. Thus, among pregnant women in 2012, at the time of the study, 92.1% of the respondents found pregnancy desirable. In urban areas this indicator is 94.4%, and in rural areas - 83.3%. Accordingly, pregnancy was undesirable for 16.7% of pregnant women from rural regions. This indicates that access to contraception is limited both directly (high prices for contraception, oral contraception can only be purchased with a doctor's prescription), and indirectly due to the lack of access to information (for example, the lack of sex education programs in schools). Access to contraception is associated not only with the direct physical opportunity to obtain a particular means, but also with the importance of education and dissemination of information about the features of contraception.
Official statistics record a number of problems in the economic situation of families, especially some types of families. First, there is an increase in the number of citizens in need of better housing conditions. At the same time, the measures taken are absolutely incapable of solving this problem.
So, in 2012, 813.6 thousand citizens (families) were registered as needy, but the number of citizens (families) who improved their living conditions in a year was only 39.2 thousand, that is, they could improve their housing situation in 2012 year, only 4.6% of those registered in need of better housing conditions. Moreover, the same picture is observed in relation to such a particularly vulnerable category as large families.
Young families also fall into a separate risk group, since the birth of children falls mainly at the age of up to 30 years. Maternity leave, life as a three of us on the same salary put young families in a situation of lack of opportunities to solve housing problems.
Secondly, it should be noted that the country is not sufficiently developed social services that would provide assistance in raising children. First of all, we are talking about the provision of kindergartens. It is the presence of preschool institutions that allows parents, and in particular women, to engage in education and profession. There has long been a shortage of places in kindergartens in Belarus. Back in 2005, the level of coverage of children aged 1-5 years with preschool educational institutions was 82.5%. However, already in 2012 this figure dropped to 74.4%.
At the same time, the amount of the allowance leaves much to be desired. Thus, the monthly allowance for caring for a child under 3 years old as of January 1, 2013 was about 165 USD. This amount is not enough to provide for the mother and child. Accordingly, a model of asymmetric parenting is formed in families, where women are economically in the least favorable conditions, and fathers, earning money, are alienated from raising a child. It is not surprising that among low-income households, the majority (65.1%) are households with minor children.
The state policy in the field of family and marriage relations declares the importance of preserving social guarantees, however, the realities and even Belstat's studies state significant problems in the socio-economic situation of families and the protection of women's health. At the same time, the official rhetoric ignores the social transformations that are taking place in this area, trying in every possible way to support one single normative model, which, in fact, excludes various categories of the population.
Elena RAKOVA
Microdata collected by the Ministry of Statistics by interviewing more than 5,000 average families provide an idea of how a typical Belarusian family of three lives.
We live on a salary
According to the data of a sample survey of households, the wages of an average worker in the second quarter of 2002 amounted to 181.378 rubles. per month, or approximately $ 113. At the same time, despite the labor exploits of the Belarusian collective farmers, their wages were equal to only 49% of the national average - 89,916 rubles. ($ 56).
It is characteristic that if the average salary is 66% of the total monetary income of the family, and the pension is 20%, then the income from entrepreneurial activity is incomparably more modest - 11,412 rubles, or 4.1%. Another component of the market structure of income - dividends, interest on deposits and income from renting real estate - give a generally ridiculous figure - 701 rubles. After ten years of "reforms" and "active" business stimulation, wages and social transfers - pensions, allowances, scholarships - are still the main source of income for the majority of the Belarusian population.
The regional breakdown of the income structure is interesting. As expected, the highest salary in Minsk is 221,030 rubles, which is 22% more than the national average. In other regions, it fluctuates around 130 thousand rubles. (which is far from the coveted $ 100 promised by the president last year), slightly increasing only in the Minsk region - up to 163.2 thousand rubles.
At the same time, income from entrepreneurial activity does not have such a pronounced difference. Despite the fact that 50% of small and medium-sized businesses in Belarus are registered in Minsk, their incomes are highest (again, let me remind you, in the income structure of an average family) in the Grodno region - 18.391 rubles, followed by Brest region - 13.578 rubles. and only then Minsk - 10.528 rubles.
Thus, the proximity of borders and the ability to earn money by buying cheaper products and goods in Poland and their subsequent resale in Belarus, probably, leaves more opportunities for income from entrepreneurial activity. Or, which is more likely, despite the anonymity of the study, the private sector in Minsk is in deep shadow, and people habitually hide their real incomes in order to minimize taxes and other risks.
We eat half of the money
In the Soviet Union, food costs (at rates close to physiologically necessary) accounted for 40% of family expenses. It is typical for countries with market economies that food expenditures account for no more than 25-30% of the total household consumption expenditures. In many transformational economies (Poland, Lithuania, Estonia), similar proportions have already been achieved.
Despite the solid annual growth rate of real incomes of the population, the structure of consumer expenditures of Belarusians is changing very insignificantly: the costs of housing and communal services, transport and communications are growing. Spending on food, having slightly decreased, still exceeds 50%. Thus, the expenditures of a family of one person for food amounted to 63.7%, a family of three - 53%, for a family of four - 49.2% of all expenses. 34.2% of food expenses are spent on bread and dairy products (40.5% in rural areas). Another third is taken away from meat products. About 10% is spent on fruits and vegetables.
We pay more and more for the apartment
2002 was the year of a sharp rise in the cost of housing and communal tariffs. Due to the decline in competitiveness, enterprises can no longer bear the burden of high tariffs for electricity and gas, subsidizing the population, and there is no money in the budget either. The idea that you have to pay for everything, and, first of all, for utilities is being actively invested in the consciousness of the population. There are data on the cost of utility bills from our Baltic neighbors and in Poland (there it translates into $ 80-100 per month during the heating season). At the same time, the authorities forgets to note that these countries buy gas at $ 80, and not at $ 25, like Belarus. And one more thing: it is much easier to give away $ 100 a month if the family's monetary income is $ 500-600. It is much more difficult to give even $ 30 if the family income is $ 160, and 50% is spent on the cheapest food.
Nevertheless, the tariffs for housing and communal services are consistently brought up to the prime cost, but since no one really knows what this prime cost is, services will rise in price and in price. Despite a twofold increase in tariffs in the first half of the year, the level of cost recovery from tariffs, according to official data, increased only from 23% to 30%. Thus, it is necessary to double the tariffs to reach the 40% target by the government at the end of the year.
If two years ago the cost of housing and communal services accounted for 2.2% of consumer spending, in the summer of 2002. - 5.9%. And this is before the start of the heating season. Minsk residents spent most of all on these services - 20.672 rubles, or 6.3% of their expenses (13.070 rubles on average in the country).
We keep our savings in a stocking
Despite the high marginal propensity to save (the average Belarusian will rather save on shampoo and cream, but put it off for a rainy day), the absolute amount of savings is small. Sad statistics that testify to the weakness of the national banking system, plus the example of default in Russia, affect the mass of the population more strongly than presidential guarantees and positive interest rates. Yes, deposits in bank institutions are constantly growing, but on average they amount to only 2.552 rubles. per month. At the same time, savings for the purchase of foreign currency exceed bank deposits three times. At the same time, most of all currencies are bought in the Grodno region - an average of 17,161 rubles. per month, while in Minsk - only 11.935 rubles. In total, savings for the purchase of foreign currency and deposits in banks account for only 4% of the total expenses of families.
On average, a Belarusian family invests in the construction and purchase of real estate 5.816 rubles. monthly. Such relatively high figures are given by Minsk, where the housing market is actively developing. Accordingly, the costs also differ: in Minsk it is 29.573 rubles, and in other regions - 700 rubles.
Glitter and poverty in Belarusian
Less than 90 thousand rubles ($ 50) per family member in the second quarter had 40% of the Belarusian population. 80% of families earned less than $ 100 per person.
31.1% of the population lived below the subsistence level (there is clear progress: the same indicator was previously about 40%, and in 1999 even 50%). However, the majority of the population is still very poor. The policy of curbing the exchange rate in the face of ever-increasing prices leads to the fact that any increase in wages and pensions is eaten up by inflation. Unlike Africa, you can't live on a dollar a month in Belarus.
Lack of targeting in the mechanism of providing social assistance and subsidizing the cost of socially significant products, transport, housing and communal services leads to the fact that the richest groups of the population still receive more benefits than the poorest. In the second quarter of 2002, the difference was 2.85 times: an average of 11.349 rubles. and 3.976 per month per family, respectively.
You can draw any pictures of the growth of prosperity in Belarusian, however, it is more and more difficult to deceive the average person who is not getting really richer. The September increase in wages in the public sector will not compensate for the expected growth in spending in October due to the start of the heating season, which promises an almost twofold increase in the cost of housing and communal services. The lack of liberalization of business conditions and other economic reforms will further stimulate the growth of the gray economy and the impoverishment of the majority of the population working in the public sector or at unprofitable enterprises. The gap between Minsk and the province will continue to widen.
Last year, the average metropolitan family was richer than the average republican family by 350 rubles (or $ 180). According to Belstat, in 2017 the disposable resources of households in the capital amounted to 1,396.9 rubles per month. On average in Belarus, this indicator was at the level of 1,043.5 rubles. However, the gap in living standards between Minsk and the country is gradually decreasing. FINANCE.TUT.BY looked at what families lived and spent their money on in the capital in particular and in the country as a whole in recent years.
10 years ago, a family in the capital had $ 230 more “for life” than an average Belarusian
Disposable resources - household funds, the cost of consumed food products produced in a personal subsidiary farm, minus the material costs for their production and the cost of benefits and payments received in kind.
Money "for life" - this is the so-called disposable resources. Minsk residents have traditionally been richer than other residents of the country. In the capital, salaries are higher, and there are more opportunities for part-time jobs. But the gap is gradually narrowing, although it still remains quite noticeable.
It is also impressive that, in dollar terms, the standard of living has not yet returned to what it was in 2008. This applies to the whole of Belarus, and Minsk in particular. But Minskers are taking back their former positions more actively. And in 2016, economic turmoil significantly reduced the standard of living.
Life up to 150 rubles a month: there are 9 times more such people in the country than in the capital
The stratification between the capital and the regions is also well shown by the Belstat data on the distribution of the population by the level of per capita disposable resources.
For example, those who live on up to 150 rubles a month, in Minsk, only 0.2% of the total population of the city. In the country, this figure is 9 times higher (1.8%).
At the same time, in Minsk there are 14% of those who have at their disposal more than 800 rubles a month, on average in the republic - 6.5%.
Screenshot from the Belstat website. Click to enlarge In general, according to household survey data, it turns out that in Belarus 73.5% of citizens last year lived in families, where the average per person accounted for up to 500 rubles a month. In Minsk there are 52.1% of them.
The dynamics are positive - for comparison, in 2015, 81.2% of the population of Belarus had an average per capita income of up to 500 denominated rubles per month, in Minsk - 61.7%.
In the capital, spending on food remained at the level of 10 years ago
The share of spending on food (this includes the purchase of groceries in stores and catering) is one of the indicators by which the standard of living in the country is characterized. It is believed that the richer the economy, the higher the income of the population and the more other expenses citizens can afford.
In the country as a whole, the share of spending on food is decreasing. The highest it was in the very distant 1995. At that time, 62% of consumer spending was spent on “bread and butter”. The best year was 2010, when families kept 39% of all consumer spending in stores and in public catering. We have not yet been able to return to this indicator.
In Minsk, a smaller share of consumer spending is spent on food. This can be explained primarily by the difference in the amount of income, which allows residents of the capital to think about other spending. This is affected by the price variety, and the competition between retail chains, which, in the struggle for buyers, constantly arrange promotions and sales.
On the other hand, the availability and variety of choice do not allow Minsk residents to significantly reduce the costs of going to grocery stores or catering. Data from different years show that now the share of food expenses in the capital is almost the same as it was 10 years ago. In the country, during this time, this indicator has slightly decreased.
Kommunalka: the share of spending is slightly more than 10 years ago
Another significant item of expenditure for all Belarusians is the cost of communal services. This is how the situation looks over the years.
As we can see, conditional fat consumption now accounts for a slightly larger share of consumer spending than it did 10 years ago. This applies to both residents of the capital and regions. In 2015, the growing incomes of the population made it possible to reduce the share of communal services. But then the drop in wages and the rise in utility tariffs returned everything to its previous level. Once again, the thesis that the rise in prices for communal apartments hits the poor more strongly: the share of households' consumer spending on fat in Minsk is always lower than in Belarus.
Transportation and personal car costs: less than 10 years ago, but more than a year ago
With public transport, the situation is as follows: Minsk residents spend a larger share of their expenses on “coupons-travel cards” than the average Belarusian. But this does not mean that in other cities they travel like a hare: just small settlements allow people to do without public transport at all, and the prices for it in the regions are lower. By the way, for both of them, the share of travel expenses has decreased over 10 years.
And here is how matters stand with the costs of buying personal cars and their maintenance. Here, Minskers are also in the lead. But both in the capital family and on the average in the republic, the share of spending on personal vehicles has decreased in relation to the level of a decade ago, but last year it began to grow again.
Today we will talk about the family, about its meaning for every Belarusian, about what changes it has undergone over time. Perhaps we understand the meaning and importance of marriage differently than our forefathers and foremothers. And if otherwise, then this does not mean that it is worse?
What did the traditional Belarusian family treasure?
WITH Family for Belarusians, from time immemorial, is the basis not only of everyday life, but of all life, and special attention has always been paid to raising a child in a family, as a successor of the family. At the head of the family was the father - "father" (a Belarusian word that still has not lost its general distribution and application), who was the protector and breadwinner. A woman always went hand in hand with her husband, but at the same time obeyed her husband. She also performed her part of the duties - steward and hostess, caring mother and patient homemaker. Large families were revered in Belarusian families. It was believed that the more children a woman gives birth to, the happier the whole family will be. In the first years of life, a great attention was paid to the baby, the mother carefully looked after him, protected him from troubles and diseases. The child grew up in the care and attention of all relatives, they sang him songs, told fairy tales, nursery rhymes. At the same time, the children could hardly be called spoiled and pampered, since they approached education in a Belarusian family strictly, with certain requirements. Parents taught by personal example hard work, patience and respect for elders. AND An interesting fact: the division of responsibilities by gender affected the life of Belarusians - metal and wooden products were called “male”, and wicker and fabric - “female”. I must say that Belarusians have always appreciated natural materials, and their clothes cannot be confused with any other. Geographic location and natural conditions played a huge role here. Flax growing on Belarusian lands was of high value. Returning to the topic of raising children, it is worth noting that the attitude towards all children was the same, most of the time they were under the care of their mother. The authority of the older generation is a separate issue, it was indisputable. They listened to grandparents, tried to please, and turned only to "you" when speaking. In general, the family for Belarusians was the main wealth that a person can only possess.
Now what?
After all, so many generations of people have grown up, so many events have happened, and it is not surprising that the views on family and family values have slightly changed. So what is a modern family in Belarus like? What are the priorities? What difficulties does it face and what problems does it solve?
M Young couple, average age 23 to 27, one or two children, both working. This is a portrait of an ordinary family in almost any CIS country. And modern Belarus is no exception here. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, there was a tendency towards a kind of Europeanization of the family. Attempts to be like Western families lead to a reorientation of family relationships. The financial component has become dominant. However, the difficult economic situation in the mid-90s and subsequent years did not allow the Belarusian family to become a full-fledged European family. However, this is hardly necessary.
Evolution in the Belarusian family
According to statistics, the growth in marriage of young people under the age of 25 has noticeably decreased. The divorce rate, however, is relatively low for such marriages. This is due to the fact that people are more conscious and thoughtful in their approach to co< зданию семьи, а так же имеют уже в своем роде небольшой опыт построения отношений с противоположным полом. Развод стал довольно характерным явлением для современной Беларуси. По статистике, каждая пятая женщина в возрасте до 30 лет разведена, имея при этом ребёнка. Каждая третья из этого количества повторно выходит замуж. Если сравнить общее количество браков и разводов в 1995 и 2017 годах в республике, то соотношение следующее: 1995 г.– 77 027 (брак) и 42 119 (развод), 2017 г. – 66 215 (брак) и 32 006 (развод). В «эпоху гендерного равенства» женщина не уступает в правах мужчине. В тяжёлых жизненных ситуациях она, наоборот, берёт на себя бремя ответственности за свою семью. Не обойти и роль отцов в современном мире. Они, как и прежде, много работают, порой уезжают в другие страны на заработки, всячески решают проблемы своей семьи… Но и часто уходят от проблем в семье. Проблема, которая не знакома белорусской семье в прошлом, – мать-одиночка после развода.
But what about large families?
V Unlike traditional Belarusian families, families with one child have become widespread. In this, the Belarusian family also began to resemble the European one. Despite the state program on support and assistance to large families in Belarus, preferential loans for housing construction, medical care, childbearing in the country are steadily falling ... Economic, psychological and social factors played a role. According to the results of numerous surveys, modern Belarusian parents, having one child in their family, would like to have one or two more in the future, which indicates that the commitment to more children in the family remains. Also, quite a few Belarusian women began to give birth in an unregistered marriage. In one of her speeches, the Chairperson of the Ministry of Labor and Social Protection noted that “unregistered unions remain popular, especially among young people. The importance of marriage increases when a couple decides to have a child. " 
The upbringing of children in the modern world continues to be of great importance. Children are diversified from infancy. Mother and father are loving and caring parents. Learning is critical. But in the conditions of the city, the labor education of children has become problematic. In addition, domestic work is no longer so categorically divided into male and female. The role of the older generation in the family is growing. At the same time in society, unfortunately, traditional values are being revised today. Examples of disrespect for elders, indifference to elderly parents have become commonplace ... At the same time, such concepts as "dysfunctional families", "foster families", "difficult teenagers", "juvenile delinquency" have appeared (for more details, see the next issues of the newspaper).
WITH urbanization and the ever greater abandonment of natural food products, the modern Belarusian family has begun to pay very little attention to their health. Unfortunately, more and more often you can find mothers walking with strollers, smoking a cigarette. In contrast, it is nice to see a married couple leading a healthy lifestyle. Quite another matter! Although, in general, active recreation and sports are very popular in modern Belarus.
From the author. The modern family in Belarus is, to a greater extent, a responsible, loving and caring unit of society. And how many worthy examples of families that have gone through difficulties, but retained love and respect for each other; large; brought up honorary citizens of the country, etc. And the stake should be placed on such families. It is worth looking up to them. Moreover, with the current scrupulous approach of the state to family policy, when not the family for the state, but the state for the family. Is not it?
Murat ANNAMURADOV.
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Number of families by type (according to population censuses) (page 21)
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The statistical compilation presents the main socio-economic indicators characterizing various aspects of the quality of life of households and their members: employment and the level of monetary income, expenditures and consumption, housing conditions, education, physical culture and sports.
In preparing the collection, the data obtained by the state statistics bodies in the course of state statistical observations, population censuses, and sample surveys of households were used.
For the main indicators, statistical data in the collection are presented by regions and Minsk city.
A brief methodological explanation is provided for the individual statistics at the beginning of each section.
The data are presented in dynamics for 2010-2016. Data for 2016 are in some cases preliminary and may be revised in subsequent editions.
This publication is intended for senior management personnel, employees of governing bodies and financial and economic services of organizations, researchers, teaching staff, graduate students and university students, and other interested users.
1. Demographic characteristics of households
1.1. Population of households of the Republic of Belarus
1.2. The structure of private households by size
1.3. Types and sizes of private households.
1.4. Dynamics of the number of private households by type
1.5. Private households with children under the age of 18, by number of children
1.6. Private households of two or more persons, by the number of children
1.7. Average family size
1.8. Number of families by type
1.9. Characteristics of families by type, size and number of children under the age of 18
2. Marriages and divorces
2.1. Population by sex and age groups
2.2. The ratio of the number of men and women as of January 1, 2017 (graph)
2.3. Distribution of men and women aged 15 and over by state of marriage
2.4. Distribution of men and women aged 15 years and older by state of marriage by regions and Minsk city
2.5. Marriages, divorces and crude marriage and divorce rates
2.6. Marriages and divorces by regions and Minsk city
2.7. Age marriages of bride and groom
2.8. Number of people who got married by previous marital status
2.9. The number of those who got married by previous marital status by regions and Minsk city
2.10. Average age at marriage
2.11. Age divorces of former spouses
Divorces by age of former spouses
2.12. Divorces based on the duration of a divorced marriage
2.13. Dissolved marriages by the number of children in common by regions and Minsk city
3. Fertility, mortality and public health
3.1. Fertility, mortality and natural population growth
3.2. Born alive in order of birth
3.3. Live births by age of mother and birth order
3.4. Born alive to unmarried women
3.5. Live births by age and marital status of mothers by regions and Minsk city
3.6. The average age of the mother at the birth of the child
3.7. Age-specific fertility rates and total fertility rate
3.8. Age-specific fertility rates by regions and Minsk city
3.9. Childbirth and termination of pregnancy (abortion)
3.10. Termination of pregnancy (abortion) by age group of women
3.11. Use of female contraception
3.12. Life expectancy at birth by regions and Minsk city
3.13. Morbidity of the population by main groups of diseases
3.14. Smoking population
3.15. Smoking population aged 16 and over by regions and Minsk city
3.16. Distribution of households with children by number of smoking members
3.17. Subjective assessment by the population of the state of their health by regions and Minsk city
4. Employment
4.1. Employed population by sex
4.2. Distribution of the employed population and the unemployed by marital status and sex in 2016
4.3. Registered unemployment rate by regions and Minsk city
4.4. The number of unemployed registered with the labor, employment and social protection authorities, by regions and the city of Minsk
4.5. Nominal gross average wages of employees by sex, regions and Minsk city in December
4.6. Nominal and real accrued average monthly wages by regions and Minsk city
5. Household income, expenditure and consumption
5.1. Disposable resources in households with different composition
5.2. The structure of disposable resources in households with different composition in 2016
5.3. The structure of disposable resources of households by regions and Minsk city
5.4. Household cash expenditures with different composition
5.5. Household cash expenditures by regions and Minsk city
5.6. The structure of household cash expenditures by regions and Minsk city
5.7. Household consumer spending
5.8. Food consumption in households with different composition
5.9. Availability of durable goods in households
5.10. Durable items in households with different composition
5.11. Availability of durable goods in households by regions and Minsk city
6. Living conditions
6.1. Housing fund
6.2. Provision of the population with housing by regions and the city of Minsk
6.3. Distribution of households by the number of living rooms and the size of the total area of housing
6.4. Distribution of households by the size of the total occupied area
6.5. Characteristics of residential apartments by the number of rooms
6.6. The number of residential apartments by regions and Minsk city at the end of 2016
6.7. Improving the living conditions of the population
6.8. Improvement of living conditions of the population by regions and Minsk city in 2016
6.9. Commissioning of individual residential buildings in regions and the city of Minsk
6.10. Improvement of occupied housing of households in 2017
6.11. Household satisfaction with housing conditions
6.12. Households accessing the Internet from a home computer
7. Education, parenting, leisure
7.1. Preschool educational institutions
7.2. General secondary education institutions
7.3. Special education institutions implementing educational programs of special education at the level of general secondary education
7.4. Additional education institutions for children and youth
7.5. Vocational education institutions
7.6. Institutions of secondary specialized education
7.7. Institutions of higher education
7.8. Sanatorium, health-improving organizations and other specialized accommodation facilities
7.9. Summer health camps 97
7.10. The number of physical culture and sports facilities by regions and Minsk city in 2016
7.11. Population aged 16 and over, engaged in physical culture and sports by regions and the city of Minsk
7.12. Population engaged in physical culture and sports
8. Social support and social services
8.1. Social payments to the population
8.2. Expenditures of the Social Protection Fund of the Ministry of Labor and Social Protection of the Republic of Belarus
8.3. Minimum social guarantees
8.4. State targeted social assistance in 2016
8.5. State targeted social assistance by regions and Minsk city in 2016
8.6. Households reporting benefits and payments
8.7. Households reporting the availability of benefits and payments by regions and Minsk city in 2016
8.8. Key indicators of pension provision
8.9. The number of pensioners registered with the bodies for labor, employment and social protection, and the average amount of pensions assigned to them by type of pension provision
8.10. Boarding schools for children
8.11. Disabled children and boarding homes for disabled children
8.12. Information about orphans and children left without parental care
9. Low-income households
9.1. Living wage budget
9.2. The ratio of per capita disposable resources to the subsistence minimum budget in households with different composition
9.3. Household poverty rate
9.4. Composition of disposable resources of low-income households
9.5. Composition of cash expenditures of low-income households
9.6. Durable items in low-income households
9.7. Distribution of low-income households by the number of living rooms and the size of the total housing area
9.8. Distribution of low-income households by type of occupied housing