Everything burned, there is only scale in my soul,
Blue profile on the left chest.
This is all that remains of Stalin.
What awaits us ahead without him?

We were told that Beria was the spy:
“Shoot the scoundrel, he deserves it!”
And the era of unbelief has come.
Well... for those who, of course, survived.

How so? We sacredly believed in the leader,
For him we went to death and into battle.
We were told that everyone was a hypocrite -
The forest was being cut down, we were just wood chips.

He is a tyrant, he is a murderer. Are we clean?
How so? We lived then.
And the general secretaries sang eloquently,
And then, in unison, gentlemen.

They say we all need to repent
You are all criminals as one.
After all, no one disdains anymore,
Doubt that they took Berlin.

We bend as if under a heavy burden.
We should straighten our shoulders.
Don't be ashamed of the past tense
And don’t double your consciousness.

Our life, our memory, history -
Everything is inextricably connected. All!
Here the trajectory of fate has closed,
And where will it take us now?

Only a thawed patch appeared in my soul,
The blue profile on the chest cannot be washed off.
We inherited from Stalin,
What else awaits us there?

Reviews

And who said that adults
Can't you read other pages?
Or our valor will awaken
And will honor fade from the world?

Or, having told aloud about the past,
We will only please the enemy,
Why pay for your victories?
Has it happened to us at exorbitant prices?
....

What is considered big and what is small today?
Who knows, but people are not grass:
Don't turn them all in bulk
In some Nepomniachtchi kinship.

Let the eyewitnesses prickle
They will quietly go to the bottom,
Happy oblivion
It is not given to our nature.

Others simply stated that
It's like it's a rainy day for us
All these were not welcome,
Throwing shadows at us.

But everything that happened is not forgotten,
Not out of the ordinary.
One lie is to our loss,
And only the truth comes to court!
...
So and so they guess,
Anticipating that terrible judgment, -
Like children who have played enough,
What is expected from the absence of the elders.

But everything that has become or will become
We can’t give it up, we can’t sell it out of our hands,
And Lenin will not stand to judge us:
He was not God and is not alive.

And what are you making now?
Bring back the former grace
So you call Stalin -
He was God -
He can get up.

It turns out that the poet who wrote these lines in 1969 was right. And it turns out that children almost always repeat the mistakes of their parents. I would like to add two more lines at the end from the same work.

"Who hides the past jealously,
He’s unlikely to be in harmony with the future.”
Sincerely
Alexei.

There is no need to hide anything, there is no need to forget anything, there is no need to be ashamed of anything. It's all ours. And then you can’t step into the same river twice. Thanks for your feedback. Best regards, Boris.

I completely agree, I wish I could explain this to those who call on Stalin, like the Magi in ancient Egypt. Indeed, they say that the most terrible time is when you are at a crossroads.

The daily audience of the portal Stikhi.ru is about 200 thousand visitors, who in total view more than two million pages according to the traffic counter, which is located to the right of this text. Each column contains two numbers: the number of views and the number of visitors.

Congress. Decree on power.

I discussed the text of the Decree on Power with some friends, including Tolya Shabad from the support group. But I wrote the final text on the eve of the Congress and did not have time to discuss it with anyone, including the first paragraph on the exclusion of Article 6 of the USSR Constitution (“The leading and guiding force of Soviet society, the core of its political system, state and public organizations is the Communist Party of the Soviet Union ..."). Perhaps the number of officials elected by the Congress (with alternative candidates) should have included the Minister of Foreign Affairs and the Minister of Defense. The clause on the functions of the KGB should be supplemented: “support in any form of terrorism, drug trafficking and other actions incompatible with the principles of new thinking is prohibited.” Lucy insisted on including in the text a mention of the need to demobilize students called up last year. This group is now demobilizing.
Immediately after the end of the last meeting of the congress, one of the employees (it seems - the editorial office of Izvestia) asked me to go up to the third floor to the secretariat and correct errors in the transcript. I wrote by hand the end of the speech, which was not heard or recorded by the stenographers. The head of the secretariat said that only what was actually said could be included. I replied that everything I wrote down was said. But in the text published in the bulletin and in Izvestia, the end of the speech is still missing, including everything related to China. This place has been restored below.

Dear people's deputies!
I must explain why I voted against the approval of the final document of the Congress. This document contains many correct and very important provisions, many fundamentally new and progressive ideas. But I believe that the Congress did not solve the key political task facing it, embodied in the slogan: “All power to the Soviets!” The Congress even refused to discuss the “Decree on Power”.
Until this political task is resolved, it is virtually impossible to achieve a real solution to the entire complexpressing economic, social, national and environmental issues.
The Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR elected the Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR on the very first day without broad political discussion and, at least symbolically, alternativeness. In my opinion. The Congress made a serious mistake by significantly reducing its ability to influence the formation of the country's policy, thereby doing a disservice to the elected Chairman.
According to the current constitution, the Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR has absolute, practically unlimited personal power. The concentration of such power in the hands of one person is extremely dangerous, even if this person is the initiator of perestroika. In particular, behind-the-scenes pressure is possible. What if someday it will be someone else?
The construction of the state house started from the roof, which is clearly not the best course of action. The same thing happened during the elections of the Supreme Council. For most delegations, there was simply an appointment, and then formal approval by the Congress of people, many of whom were not ready for legislative activity. Members of the Supreme Council must leave their previous jobs “as a rule” - a deliberately vague formulation, in which “wedding generals” end up in the Supreme Council. Such a Supreme Council will be - as one may fear - simply a screen for the real power of the Chairman of the Supreme Council and the party-state apparatus.
In the country, in the context of an impending economic catastrophe and a tragic aggravation of interethnic relations, powerful and dangerous processes are taking place, one of the manifestations of which is a general crisis of people’s confidence in the country’s leadership. If we go with the flow, lulling ourselves with the hope of gradual changes for the better in the distant future, the growing tension can explode our society with the most tragic consequences.
Comrade deputies, it’s on you now - right now! - bears a huge historical responsibility. Political decisions are needed, without which it is impossible to strengthen the power of Soviet bodies on the ground and resolve
economic, social, environmental, national problems. If the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR cannot take power into its own hands here, then there is not the slightest hope that the Soviets in the republics, regions, districts, and villages will be able to take it. But without strong local councils, land reform and, in general, any effective agricultural policy that differs from senseless resuscitation injections to unprofitable collective farms are impossible. [Without a strong Congress and strong, independent Councils, it is impossible to overcome the dictates of departments, develop and implement laws on enterprises, and fight environmental madness. The congress is called upon to defend the democratic principles of democracy and thereby the irreversibility of perestroika and the harmonious development of the country. I again appeal to the Congress to adopt the “Decree on Power.”]

Decree on power

Based on the principles of democracy. The Congress of People's Deputies declares:
1. Article 6 of the USSR Constitution is repealed.
2. The adoption of Laws of the USSR is the exclusive right of the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR. On the territory of the Union Republic, the Laws of the USSR acquire legal force after approval by the highest legislative body of the Union Republic.
3. The Supreme Council is the working body of the Congress.

5. Election and recall of senior officials of the USSR, namely:
1. Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR,
2. Deputy Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR,
3. Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR,
4. Chairman and members of the Constitutional Oversight Committee,
5. Chairman of the Supreme Court of the USSR,
6. Prosecutor General of the USSR,
7. Supreme Arbiter of the USSR,
8. The Chairman of the Central Bank, as well as:
1. Chairman of the KGB of the USSR,
2. Chairman of the State Committee on Television and Radio Broadcasting,
3. Editor-in-Chief of the newspaper “Izvestia”
- the exclusive right of the Congress.
The officials named above are accountable to the Congress and independent of the decisions of the CPSU.

7. The functions of the KGB are limited to the tasks of protecting the international security of the USSR.
[Note. In the future, it is necessary to provide for direct nationwide elections of the Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR and his Deputy on an alternative basis.]
[I ask the deputies to carefully study the text of the Decree and put it to a vote at an emergency meeting of the Congress.] I ask that an editorial commission be created from persons who share the main idea of ​​the Decree. I appeal to the citizens of the USSR with a request to support the Decree individually and collectively, just as they did when trying to discredit me and divert attention from the issue of responsibility for the Afghan war.
[I would like to object to those who frighten us with the impossibility of discussing laws with two thousand people. Commissions and Committees will prepare formulations, discuss them in the first and second readings at meetings of the Supreme Council, and all transcripts will be available to the Congress. If necessary, the discussion will continue at the Congress. But what is really unacceptable is if we, deputies, having a mandate from the people to power, transfer our rights and responsibilities
its one-fifth, and in fact - the party-state apparatus and the Chairman of the Supreme Council.]
I continue. There has long been no danger of a military attack on the USSR. We have the largest army in the world, larger than the United States and China combined. I propose to create a commission to prepare a decision on reducing the length of service in the army (approximately by half for privates and non-commissioned officers, with a corresponding reduction in all types of weapons, but with a significantly smaller reduction in the officer corps), with the prospect of a transition to a professional army. Such a solution would have enormous international significance for confidence-building and disarmament, including a complete ban on nuclear weapons, as well as enormous economic and social significance. [Private note: all students who were drafted into the army a year ago must be demobilized by the beginning of this academic year.]
National problems. We inherited from Stalinism a national-constitutional structure that bears the stamp of imperial thinking and the imperial policy of “divide and rule.” The victims of this legacy are the small Union republics and small national entities that are part of the Union republics on the principle of administrative subordination. They have been subjected to national oppression for decades. Now these problems have dramatically spilled to the surface. But no less a victim were large nations, including the Russian people, on whose shoulders fell the main burden of imperial ambitions and the consequences of adventurism and dogmatism in foreign and domestic policy. [In the current acute interethnic situation] urgent measures are needed. I propose a transition to a federal (horizontal) system of national-constitutional structure. This system provides for the provision of equal political, legal and economic rights to all existing national-territorial entities, regardless of their size and current status, while maintaining current borders (over time, clarification of the boundaries [of entities and the composition of the federation, which should become the most important content of the work of the Council of Nationalities). This will be a Union of equal republics united Union Treaty, with a voluntary limitation of the sovereignty of each republic to the minimum necessary limits (in matters of defense, foreign policy and some others). The difference in size and population of the republics and the absence of external borders should not be confusing. People of different nationalities living within the same republic must legally and practically have equal political, cultural and social rights. Supervision over this should be entrusted to the Council of Nationalities. An important problem of national policy is the fate of forcibly resettled peoples. Crimean Tatars, Volga Germans, Meskhi Turks, Ingush and others should be given the opportunity to return to their homes. The work of the commission of the Presidium of the Supreme Council on the problem of the Crimean Tatars was clearly unsatisfactory.
Religious ones are related to national problems. Any infringement of freedom of conscience is unacceptable. It is completely unacceptable that the Ukrainian Catholic Church has not yet received official status.
The most important political issue is the establishment of the role of Soviet bodies and their independence. It is necessary to carry out elections of Soviet bodies at all levels in a truly democratic way. The electoral law should be amended to take into account the experience of elections of people's deputies of the USSR. The institution of district assemblies must be abolished and all candidates must be given equal access to the media.
The Congress should, in my opinion, adopt a resolution containing the principles of the rule of law. These principles include: freedom of speech and information, the possibility of judicial challenge by citizens and public organizations of the actions and decisions of all government bodies and officials during independent proceedings, democratization of judicial and investigative procedures (admission of a lawyer from the beginning of the investigation, jury trial, the investigation must be concluded from the prosecutor's office:
its only task is to monitor the implementation of the Law). I call for a review of the laws on rallies and demonstrations, on the use of internal troops and not to approve the Decree of April 8.
The congress cannot immediately feed the country. Cannot immediately resolve national problems. Cannot immediately eliminate the budget deficit. It cannot immediately return us clean air, water and forests. But creating political guarantees for solving these problems is what he is obliged to do. This is exactly what the country expects from us! All power to the Soviets!
Today, the world's attention is turned to China. We must take a political and moral position consistent with the principles of internationalism and democracy. The resolution adopted by the Congress does not contain such a clear position. Participants in the peaceful democratic movement and those who carry out bloody reprisals against them are placed on the same level. A group of deputies drew up and signed an Appeal calling on the Chinese government to stop the bloodshed.
The presence of the USSR Ambassador in Beijing can now be seen as implicit support for the actions of the Chinese government by the government and people of the USSR. Under these conditions, the recall of the USSR Ambassador from China is necessary! I demand the recall of the USSR Ambassador from China!]

I believe that my speech was significant not only because of its actual content and the proposals included in it, but also turned out to be very important in a psychological and political sense. Together with the statement of the Interregional Group, the victory on the question of the Constitutional Oversight Committee and the discussions of the last two days, it ended the Congress more radically, more constructively and in a more hopeful spirit than had been imagined just a short time before. Therefore, that evening we all felt like winners. But, of course, this feeling was combined with a sense of the tragedy and complexity of the situation as a whole, with an understanding of all the difficulties and dangers of the near and more distant future. If our worldview can be called optimism, then it is tragic optimism.

The next day I went to the Kremlin again to pay a contribution to help those affected in Bashkiria, try to get the missing ballots (this was unsuccessful) and find out the dates for the meeting of the Commission to develop a new Constitution. Regarding the last question, I went to Lukyanov’s secretariat. The secretary went into the office, soon returned and said that Anatoly Ivanovich would be free in a few minutes and wanted to talk to me himself. Lukyanov came out to meet me and led me into the office. There, in addition to a large desk with telephones, there was a bookcase with, apparently, reference literature. On the wall hung a picture of some kind of alpine landscape. (At the end of the conversation, Lukyanov said that there used to be a portrait of Brezhnev - and, probably, other general secretaries, Lukyanov did not go into this. Then they hung a portrait of Gorbachev, but Mikhail Sergeevich asked to take it down. Lukyanov was fond of mountaineering in the past, so he chose this “ mountain" picture.)
At the beginning of the conversation, Lukyanov said that he treated me with great respect. He and A.N. Yakovlev were the initiators of my return from Gorky. In response to my question about the expected start time of the work of the Constitutional Commission, Lukyanov said that before its first meeting it is planned to hold a Plenum of the Central Committee on the national issue, so the Commission for the development of the Constitution will meet no earlier than September. I said that I was going (after Europe) to the USA - my wife and I want to relax and work there with our children. In particular, I want to think about the formulation of the ideas of the Union Treaty, which I spoke about in my speech at the Congress. Lukyanov replied: “You can go and work completely calmly until the end of August. We are thinking about how to build our state on a national level. Of course, some form of federal structure is necessary. But at the same time, we do not have the right to allow the collapse of the USSR. Nowadays, integration processes are growing all over the world, covering economic, political, cultural and military aspects. Integration, for example in Europe, brings great benefits in all these areas. And it would be absurd if, on the contrary, we went for disintegration, for a confederation. The Confederation is now nowhere in the world - it is not a life form.” Lukyanov, it seems, did not explain what he meant by federation and confederation and what the difference was, and I did not ask. But he mentioned the unacceptability of a separate monetary system in the republics, a separate army, and different legislation. Lukyanov further said: “We highly appreciate the support of Mikhail Sergeevich and perestroika in your speeches and articles all these years after your return to Moscow. We are following your performances and are grateful to you. The situation is very difficult. In April 1985, after the Plenum, Mikhail Sergeevich and I walked through the forest all night and discussed the main problems of the country's development. We clearly understood the need for deep reforms, the need for democratization. But we did not know the full depth of the crisis in which the country is in, and the full extent of the difficulties of the road ahead.”

I asked Lukyanov about the fate of the note given to him asking him to intervene in the fate of a man sentenced to death. (It was a business case - an underground factory - in Alma-Ata. The main accused, an engineer, Rosenstein, if my memory serves me, was under investigation in prison in very difficult conditions for 8 years (!), became disabled. He was sentenced to death and is now on death row. His brother, a disabled child of the second group, has also been in prison for 8 years under investigation. I mentioned this case in a conversation with Gorbachev and Lukyanov on June 1 and the next day I gave Lukyanov a note in which I asked him to intervene in the fate of the brothers ". I emphasized that the draft new legislation does not provide for the death penalty for economic crimes. In this regard, I wrote about the need to suspend the execution of all death sentences in the country until the adoption of new legislation.) Lukyanov replied that my note had been transferred to the Legal Department of the Central Committee (Secretary gave me his phone number) and the case, of course, will be carefully considered. Speaking about the problem of the death penalty in general, Lukyanov said that the Presidium of the Supreme Council does not currently approve any death sentences, except for those related to aggravated murder, especially cruel and multiple murders, rape of minors with murder and other equally inhuman crimes. Not a single death sentence is approved for economic or property crimes. The total number of executions in the country has now decreased by 8 times. Unfortunately, I did not ask what the absolute numbers are. Speaking about the suspension of execution of sentences for those crimes that obviously and according to the new legislation will entail the death penalty, Lukyanov said that it is not yet clear whether such a postponement will be an act of humanity. Waiting for the death penalty is the worst thing. He invited me to attend some meetings of the Presidium of the Supreme Council on issues of pardons. I agreed, recalling that I am a principled opponent of the death penalty.

A few days after our conversation with Lukyanov, Lyusya and I flew to Europe and then to the USA. This chapter was written in Newton and Westwood, Massachusetts, USA, in the homes of our children. Lucy is nearby - she is finishing work on her second book.
Of course, finishing work on a book creates a feeling of a milestone, a conclusion. “Why is this incomprehensible sadness secretly disturbing me?” (A.S. Pushkin). And at the same time - a feeling of a powerful flow of life that began before us and will continue after us.
This miracle of science. Although I do not believe in the possibility of a quick creation (or creation at all?) of a comprehensive theory, I see gigantic, fantastic achievements even during my lifetime and expect that this stream will not dry out, but, on the contrary, will expand and branch.
Fate countries. The convention shifted the engine of change into higher gear. The miners' strike is already something new, and it is clear that this is only the first reaction to the “scissors” between the rapidly growing public consciousness and the treading water political, economic, social and national reality. Only the radicalization of perestroika can overcome the crisis without a catastrophic rollback. The congress outlined the contours of this radicalization in the speeches of the “left,” but we still have to collectively create the main thing.
Global problems. I am convinced that their solution requires convergence - the already begun process of pluralistic change in capitalist and socialist society (for us this is perestroika). The immediate goal is to create a system that is efficient (which means market and competition) and socially fair, environmentally responsible.
Family, children, grandchildren. I missed a lot - due to laziness of character, due to purely physical impossibility, due to the resistance of my daughters and son, which I could not overcome. But I can't stop thinking about it.
Lucy, my wife. In fact, this is the only person with whom I internally communicate. Lucy tells me a lot of things that I otherwise, due to my human coldness, would not have understood or done. She is also a great organizer, she is my think tank here. We are together. It gives life meaning.

Newton - Westwood
July - August 1989

It’s amazing how accurate Sakharov turned out to be in his assessment of the congress, in his vision of the situation, but only one thing is carefully imposed on everyone - a speech about Afghanistan. What is the most important thing in Sakharov’s speech? He himself said about this: " The Congress did not fulfill its main task - the establishment of power, that system of power that will ensure the solution of other tasks - the task economic, social problems and problems of overcoming environmental madness.“I would like to draw your attention to the priorities set by Sakharov.

1. Power is needed to accomplish certain tasks;
2. The first task chosen was the economy (let me remind you that it was the inefficiency of the economy that prompted Gorbachev to carry out reforms).

The second is actually power.

1. Virtually uncontrolled power of the highest official;
2. irresponsible choice of members of the Supreme Council.

The prediction came true. “Such a Supreme Council will, as one may fear, simply be a screen for the real power of the Chairman of the Supreme Council and the party-state apparatus.” In general, the congress, the deputies, did not actually become the power. Therefore, the result is natural. “If the Congress of People's Deputies cannot take power into its own hands here, then there is not the slightest hope that the Soviets in the republics, regions, districts, and villages will be able to take it.” At that time, I closely followed the speeches at the congress. Many things sound different now.
Sakharov's speech... Presiding . ...Okay, let's resolve the issue this way. I am making a compromise proposal: whoever is in favor of giving Deputy Sakharov five minutes to speak, I ask you to raise your certificates. Should we count? Who's against it? A minority, a clear minority. Please, Andrey Dmitrievich, 5 minutes. Sakharov A. D. How will it turn out, comrades. This is not always possible. I didn't perform conceptually. And I must say that my position is still somewhat exceptional, I am aware of this and feel responsible. Therefore, I will speak as I was going to speak. Dear people's deputies! I come forward to explain why I voted against the proposed outcome document, even though it contains a lot of very important ideas and is very useful. But nevertheless, I believe that this document reflects the work of the Congress, and the Congress did not fulfill its main task - the establishment of power, that system of power that will ensure the solution of other tasks - the economic task, the social task and the task of overcoming environmental madness. The Congress elected the Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR on the very first day, without broad political discussion and even symbolic alternativeness. In my opinion, the Congress made a serious mistake by reducing to a significant extent its ability to influence the formation of the country's policy, thereby doing a disservice to the elected Chairman. According to the current Constitution, the Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR has absolute, practically unlimited personal power. The concentration of such power in the hands of one person is extremely dangerous, even if this person is the initiator of perestroika. At the same time, I treat Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev with the greatest respect, but this is not a personal question, this is a political question. Someday it will be someone else. The construction of the state house began from the roof, which is clearly not the best way to proceed. The same thing happened during the elections of the Supreme Council. For most delegations, there was simply an appointment, and then formal approval by the Congress of people, many of whom were not ready for legislative activity. Members of the Supreme Council must leave their previous jobs, “as a rule” is a deliberately vague wording, in which “wedding generals” end up in the Supreme Council - more than 50 percent. Such a Supreme Council will, as one may fear, simply be a screen for the real power of the Chairman of the Supreme Council and the party-state apparatus. In the country, in the context of an impending economic catastrophe and a tragic aggravation of interethnic relations, powerful, dangerous processes are taking place, one of the manifestations of which is a general crisis of people’s confidence in the country’s leadership. If we go with the flow, lulling ourselves with the hope of gradual changes for the better in the distant future, the growing tension can explode our society with the most tragic consequences. Comrade deputies! You have a huge historical responsibility; political decisions are needed, without which it is impossible to strengthen the power of Soviet authorities on the ground and solve economic, social, environmental, and national problems. If the Congress of People's Deputies cannot take power into its own hands here, then there is not the slightest hope that the Soviets in the republics, regions, districts, and villages will be able to take it. Presiding. One minute. Sakharov A. D. Without strong local councils, land reform and, in general, any effective agricultural policy that differs from senseless resuscitation injections to unprofitable collective farms are impossible. Next, I omit the argument and present the text of the decree on power, which I propose to adopt. Decree on power. Based on the principles of democracy, the Congress of People's Deputies declares: 1. Article 6 of the USSR Constitution is repealed. 2. The adoption of laws of the USSR is the exclusive right of the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR. On the territory of a union republic, the laws of the USSR acquire legal force after approval by the highest legislative body of the union republic. (Applause. 3. The Supreme Soviet of the USSR is the working body of the Congress... I’m skipping the point for speed. 5. Election and recall of the highest officials of the USSR, namely: Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, Deputy Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, Chairman - and members of the Constitutional Supervision Committee, the Chairman of the Supreme Court of the USSR, the Prosecutor General of the USSR, the Supreme Arbitrator of the USSR, the Chairman of the Central Bank, as well as the Chairman of the KGB of the USSR, the Chairman of the USSR State Committee for Television and Radio Broadcasting, the editor-in-chief of the newspaper Izvestia - the exclusive right of the Congress. The officials named above are accountable to the Congress and independent of the decisions of the CPSU and its bodies. 6. Candidates for the post of deputy... I am skipping one more point. Last. Seventh point. The functions of the KGB are limited to the tasks of protecting the international security of the USSR. I ask that an editorial commission be created and at an emergency meeting of the Congress to consider this decree. I appeal to the citizens of the USSR with a request to support the decree individually and collectively, just as was done in an attempt to discredit me and divert attention from responsibility for the Afghan war. I'm leaving out the argument. I continue. There has long been no danger of a military attack on the USSR. (Noise in the hall, applause). We have the largest army in the world, larger than the US and China combined. I propose to create a commission to prepare a decision on reducing the length of service in the army by approximately half for privates and non-commissioned officers with a corresponding reduction in all types of weapons, but with a significantly smaller reduction in the officer corps and the prospect of a transition to a professional army. Such a decision would have enormous international significance for confidence-building and disarmament, including the complete prohibition of nuclear weapons, as well as enormous economic and social significance. My speech is of fundamental importance. I continue. (Noise in the hall, applause). National problems. We inherited from Stalinism a national-constitutional structure that bears the stamp of imperial thinking and the imperial policy of “divide and rule.” The victims of this legacy are the small union republics and small national entities that are part of the union republics on the principle of administrative subordination. They have been subjected to national oppression for decades. Now these problems have dramatically spilled to the surface. But large nations also became victims of this legacy, including the Russian people, on whose shoulders fell the main burden of imperial ambitions and the consequences of adventurism and dogmatism in foreign and domestic policy. Urgent action is needed. I propose to discuss the transition to a federal horizontal system of national-constitutional structure. This system provides for the provision of equal political, legal and economic rights to all existing national-territorial entities, regardless of their size and current status, while maintaining their current borders. Over time, it may be necessary to clarify the boundaries. Presiding. Finish it anyway, Andrei Dmitrievich. Two regulations have already been used. Sakharov A. D. I am finishing. I'm leaving out the argument. I'm missing a lot. Presiding. All. Your time, two regulations have expired. Please excuse me. All. Sakharov A. D. I insist... Presiding. That's it, Comrade Sakharov. Comrade Sakharov, do you respect the Congress? Fine. Weight. Sakharov A.D. (Inaudible). Presiding. I ask you to finish, finish. All! Take your speech back, please! (A n -lodiments). Please sit down. Turn on the third microphone. What would you like? here are the performances themselves -

	HISTORICAL FACTS		STATE FIGURES
	Introduction of free prices for goods and services
	Abolition of economic councils and their replacement with line ministries
	Introduction of state pensions for collective farmers
	Election of the first President of the Russian Federation		A, N. Kosygin

Read an excerpt from a speech at the 1st Congress of Deputies of the USSR and write the name of the historical period in which these events occurred.

« We inherited nationally from Stalinism-a constitutional structure that bears the stamp of imperial thinking and imperial policy of “divide and conquer.” The victims of this legacy are the small union republics and small national entities that are part of the union republics on the principle of administrative subordination. They have been subjected to national oppression for decades. Now these problems have dramatically spilled to the surface.

But large nations also became victims of this legacy, including the Russian people, on whose shoulders fell the main burden of imperial ambitions and the consequences of adventurism and dogmatism in foreign and domestic policy.”

Answer: ____________________

Place in chronological order the following events of Soviet history from 1954 to 1985.

	introduction of Soviet troops into Afghanistan
	signing of the Soviet-American SALT 1 treaty
	entry of Soviet troops into Czechoslovakia
	joint Soviet-American space flight "Soyuz - Apollo"

Enter the answer you received in the table:

Read an excerpt from the speech of the first democratically elected President of the Russian Federation. Write the name of the President in the answer line.

“The coup thwarted the signing of the Union Treaty, but could not destroy the desire of the republics to build a new Union. The collapse of the totalitarian empire became necessary, but the new voluntary, equal relations between the republics survived. This is what prevented anarchy and chaos in the country, the highest state bodies of which were demoralized and inactive...”

Answer: _______________________________

Note the main events in the history of Soviet culture from 1945 to 1991. (Select all the correct answers from the list and write down the numbers corresponding to them in the answer line in ascending order).

Answer: ________________________

Part C

The period of the history of the USSR 1954 - 1963 went down in history as the time of the “thaw”. Give any two explanations for this assessment.

List any three changes in the political system of the Russian Federation carried out in 1992 – 2007.

Final test 1

Part A

The power of the prince in the Old Russian state

A characteristic feature of the economic development of Ancient Rus' inXI – XIIcenturies of Rus' became

Indicate the form of government established in Novgorod inXII - XVcenturies

About the events of which year the Hungarian monk Julian, who was passing near the Russian borders, wrote:

“The conquerors are waiting for the earth, rivers and swamps to freeze with the onset of winter, after which it will be easy for the entire multitude of Tatars to defeat all of Rus', the country of the Russians”?

Code of laws of 1497

	established the division of the country into provinces
	established a single deadline for the transition of peasants - St. George’s Day
	determined the procedure for obtaining noble ranks
	canceled the feeding system

During the reign of Ivan the Terrible

	St. George's Day was introduced for the first time
	localism abolished
	oprichnina established
	the Horde yoke was overthrown

A8

The major social movement of the Time of Troubles was

	performance of the Cossacks led by
	uprising led by
	movement led by U. Karmelyuk

An indefinite search for fugitives and the final enslavement of peasants were introduced

The establishment is connected with the era of Peter the Great

Activities of the Legislative Commission convened by CatherineII, had as its goal

	abolish the privileges of the nobility
	restore the right of peasants to secede from the landowners
	develop a new set of laws
	introduce division of the country into provinces

A12

In the wars with Turkey and years they became famous

	B. Sheremetyev and F. Apraksin
	I. Minich and F. Lassi
	A. Suvorov and F. Ushakov
	A. Ermolov and I. Paskevich

A13

What kind of peasants are we talking about in the given fragment of the law: “…..peasants are in the same relationship to the imperial family as landowners are to landowners”

A14

The reform of the years in the state village (P. Kiselev’s reform) provided

creation of a special fund of state lands

The life of Joseph Stalin, about which we knew nothing at all

Stalin? Dzhugashvili? Przhevalsky? Or Monk Michael?

Part 1. How Stalin returned the gold stolen by the Bolsheviks and International bankers

To appreciate the truly exceptional role of Stalin in saving Russia from the greedy ghouls Bolsheviks Trotskyists who seized power in Russia in 1917, and his role in saving the looted wealth of Russia exported abroad, you need to familiarize yourself with some data from the archives of the CPSU that you studied Bunich I.L. in 1993 and based on them he wrote his book "Gold of the Party". Reading these emotional lines, one can imagine what a terrible fate would have awaited our Motherland if such an incredibly wise patriot as Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin had not seized power in time...

“Back in October 1920, feeling more or less confident, Lenin signed a decree (October 26) “On the sale of antique valuables abroad”, meaning to legalize, as far as possible, the movement abroad of Russia’s national property, since the secret operations carried out before were, to a certain extent, risky and required considerable expenses. A so-called “expert commission” was sent to Europe, headed by Rakitsky– an “arch-reliable” person.

And at the elevators of Petrograd, Odessa and Nikolaev, ships of foreign companies are loaded with grain, taking grain abroad in exchange for gold. Lenin probes the waters on foreign exchanges about the possibility of selling only one Russian forest per billion gold rubles. American “concessionaires” are clarifying with the leader the details of the purchase of Russian mineral resources. Even small details are being clarified: how much should Russian workers be paid in mines, mines and mines? The Americans offer to pay one and a half dollars a day. Lenin is horrified. In no case! Not a cent! We'll pay for it ourselves! Gentlemen, don't worry. The Americans feel something is wrong. Where no money is taken, it clearly smells like some kind of fraud. And the country continues to die of hunger.” (page 50)

“Gorky, the “petrel of the revolution” with his wings clipped and plucked, made his way to Lenin, calling for help to the starving. “We have no money to help the starving,” Lenin snapped. “We inherited from the bourgeoisie ruin, need, impoverishment!” But Gorky allowed him to assemble a famine relief committee from half-dead intellectuals and ask for help from the West.”

“Since 1922, Stalin has been trying to investigate the ways in which huge sums of money, which once constituted Russia’s national treasure, were leaving Russia for the West. But the apparatus of the former Cheka is not yet in his hands. The investigation is being conducted secretly and extremely carefully, without actually bringing any results. The found ends of golden threads quickly break off in the fantastic labyrinths of international banks. If it is possible to find a channel that once sucked in Russian gold, then the channel that threw this gold onto the world market is no longer possible to find. And there are no people who could understand all the movements of the many thousands of banking tentacles that have embraced the whole world. While in Moscow they were beating the drum of the world proletarian movement, quietly and imperceptibly arose global financial revolution, preparing the world hegemony of that country or group of countries that more wisely use the political and economic opportunities provided by this revolution.

It’s also good that with incredible effort and risk it was possible to relocate and hide some of the Gokhran’s valuables, taking advantage of the sharp contradictions at the top of the GPU. But the GPU is an organization that cannot be trusted. Will the GPU find what is hidden? That's another question.

Lenin's death freed his hands. What Ilyich took with him to the grave, let it remain on his conscience. But we will deal with his closest accomplices. I had to figure out the deadly tangle of Kremlin intrigues, where nothing could be guessed even for half a day. It seemed that powerful rivals from the old Bolshevik guard would grind the “dropout seminarian,” as Trotsky used to say, into dust, so much so that no one would remember him.

Theoretically, this was how it should have happened, but in practice it turned out that all of them were no longer fighters. Not only have we lost the habit of fighting, but we’ve even lost the habit of working. They didn’t want to stay in Russia, and they were afraid to go to Europe. The Europe they knew before the First World War is not the same, not the same at all. It would have been hard for them there with the habits acquired during seven years of Russian lawlessness. Only Trotsky He also showed some kind of firmness. I decided to leave. Tired of empty discussions: who should be destroyed first and who should be destroyed next.

By the time Trotsky was expelled, the chief of the OGPU Genrikh Yagoda has already presented to Joseph Vissarionovich the numbers of personal accounts and the amounts in these accounts of all those who warmed their hands to robbery unprecedented in history, called the Great October Socialist Revolution. Yagoda did not name his own account number, naively believing that he was Comrade Stalin’s only source of information. Later Yagoda will call him, but it will be too late. Stalin will squeeze everything out of them, to the last cent. Spitting the blood of broken lungs, spitting out knocked out teeth, all of them, before receiving a bullet in the back of the head, will “voluntarily” transfer money from Western banks to Moscow. (page 59)

Nadezhda Konstantinovna broke down and gave up everything. But Zemlyachka is a great guy. She did everything voluntarily, and reminded her of Bela Kun. Oh, how he didn’t want to give the money away! They beat me for three days, but got everything down to the last penny and then shot. All the “internationalists”, who were in the illusion of complete impunity, were quickly dealt with without ceremony. They also got fed up with those who were thinking of sitting out abroad, spending on themselves the money intended for the world revolution. Only a few Americans managed to escape, but no one heard from them afterwards.

Money flowed into Moscow, but, alas, only from personal accounts. And this was a drop in the ocean. It wasn't enough. Much more was needed for Stalin's great plans for building a new empire. The OGPU and its successor the NKVD scoured the world in search of countless treasures named by Lenin "Gold Party". The Gestapo was also looking for the “Gold of the Party”, beating the souls out of the arrested bankers. They beat out the soul, but no gold was found. Where did it go? What happened? It is difficult to say for sure, but a number of researchers believe that it was the “gold of the party” that brought the United States out of the deepest economic crisis of the 20s, ensuring the economic boom of the subsequent years of President Roosevelt’s New Deal. No one has yet written the financial history of the world, since financial secrets, unlike state and military secrets, are not revealed in the course of history, but become even more impenetrable...” (p. 60)

Stalin directed all his energy towards creation. He did not destroy the state, but created it.

“And, therefore, he was interested in the influx of values ​​into the country, and not vice versa. First of all, he created the Bolshevik Communist Party or VKP(b), since the party that Lenin created did not suit Stalin at all. A loud, shaggy-bearded gang in leather jackets, greedy and always bickering with the leadership, connected by countless threads with no less dark foreign organizations, constantly dreaming of moving the center of the world revolution from such an uncultured and dirty place as Moscow, somewhere in Berlin or Paris, where under one pretext or another, they rode two or three times a year - such a party could destroy and rob, but could not build anything serious. And therefore she had to leave the stage and leave quickly, leaving only a piece of her name to the new party, which Comrade Stalin thought of creating like the Order of the Swordsmen, but with much stricter discipline.”

Within the party, Stalin created genuine fair discipline for senior party officials, which we now so lack...

“Kalinin’s wife, due to the inertia of Lenin’s lawlessness, took from Gokhran a sable fur coat that belonged to the executed empress, and as a result got the opportunity to think carefully about her action during the long years spent in prison. Molotov’s wife believed that she had every right to take Catherine II’s wedding crown from Gokhran and give it to the wife of the American ambassador, but she also ended up in prison. Powerful husbands at the very top of the party and state elite could do nothing to help their wives, whose whole trouble was not so much their greed as their misunderstanding of the situation. Everything that they considered their rightful trophies, Stalin considered to belong to the state...” (p. 63)

WE need to remember our history so as not to repeat mistakes when building a new Russia of the 21st century.

Materials used from the book “Gold of the Party” 1993, Bunich I.L.

Part 2. The Stalinist constitution was the most progressive in the world.

To do this, it is necessary, further, to introduce compulsory polytechnic training, which is necessary so that members of society have the opportunity to freely choose a profession and not be chained to one profession for the rest of their lives. To do this, it is necessary, further, to radically improve living conditions and raise the real wages of workers and employees at least twice, if not more, both through a direct increase in monetary wages, and especially through a further systematic reduction in prices for consumer goods. These are the basic conditions for preparing the transition to communism.”

1952, work “Economic problems of socialism in the USSR”, chapter “On the mistakes of Comrade Yaroshenko L.D.”, part 1. “The main mistake of Comrade Yaroshenko”

Part 3. A few facts from the biography

Russian counterintelligence knew that the greatest danger was the internal disruption that the Rothschilds were preparing, and therefore introduced their agents into the ranks of revolutionary organizations. One of these agents was Joseph /Mikhail/ Vissarionovich /Nikolaevich/ Stalin, whose parents were the Ossetian Ekaterina Georgievna Geladze /1858-1937/ and the Russian Nikolai Mikhailovich Przhevalsky /1839-1888/, a Smolensk nobleman, major general of the intelligence department of the General Staff, son of Emperor Alexander II. Friends of Major General N.M. Przhevalsky was transported by his son Joseph /Mikhail/ to St. Petersburg, where the future Generalissimo Stalin graduated from the Imperial Academy of the General Staff, as did Tsar Nicholas II.

Mysterious, sudden and similar to a contract murder - the death of Przhevalsky on October 29, 1888, shocked Russian society. He died as he lived - on the road, and lay down in the ground in a simple hiking suit, on the high bank of Fr. Issyk-Kul, not far from the Kyrgyz city of Karakol. In 1837, Grand Duke Alexander Nikolaevich (future Emperor Alexander II) went on a long trip around Russia. In Smolensk, he met the local beauty Elena Alekseevna Karetnikova, a romance broke out between them, but his father, Emperor Nicholas I of Russia, did not allow them to get married, preparing a “dynastic bride” from Europe for his son’s wife.

Soon the future king left, and the pregnant Elena remained on her estate. The year was 1838, Mikhail Kuzmich Przhevalsky /1846/ retired from military service, who, without thinking twice, married Elena Alekseevna and settled on her estate in the village of Kimborovo, Smolensk province. In April 1839, Elena Alekseevna gave birth to a son, Nikolai, who was given his stepfather's patronymic... Having worked in military intelligence, Stalin was infiltrated into the party ranks of the Jews. Having received a prophecy about his future fate from the Sukhumi elder Kirion, Stalin took his blessing for his way of the cross!..

Stalin arrived in Solvychegodsk on February 27, 1909. On March 5, the police officer sent an order to the warden of Solvychegodsk: “I order your honor to establish public supervision over those who arrived on February 27 of this year. in the city of Solvychegodsk by the administrative-exiled peasant of the village of Didi Lilo, Tiflis province and district, Joseph Vissarionov Dzhugashvili.”

But Stefania Leandrovna Petrovskaya was of particular interest in the city of Solvychegodsk, who, having served her sentence, went not to Moscow, from where she was expelled, not to Odessa, where her relatives were, but to Baku, which was completely unfamiliar to her, - for I.V. Dzhugashvili.

The file of the State Housing Administration of Baku contains the following data: Stefania Leandrova Petrovskaya, daughter of a nobleman of the Kherson province, passport book No. 777 issued by the Odessa police chief on August 9, 1906. From 1907 to 1909 she served exile in Solvychegodsk, Vologda province. In brochures published in Baku before 1929, Stefania Petrovskaya is mentioned as a member of the Baku organization of the RSDLP.

After 1929, her name disappeared from the pages of print. Life took Stefania and Joseph in different directions, but in the fall of 1910 she gave birth to a boy who remained in the chronicles as a young general - Alexander Mikhailovich Dzhuga- head of the leader’s personal counterintelligence.

Alexander received his middle name Mikhailovich not by chance. His father, Joseph Nikolaevich Stalin, was named Mikhail during a secret tonsure on a July night in 1913 in the underground church of Constantine and Helena. After the death of Father Jerome and John of Kronstadt, Stalin’s spiritual father became one of the ascetics who lived here in the Resurrection Monastery, was a wanderer in his youth, then wrote a book at the end of the 19th century - “Frank stories of a wanderer to his spiritual father”, qualified as a masterpiece of Russian Orthodox culture .

Stalin's spiritual mentor had not left the underground temple lately, and there he had a revelation. Imminent terrible trials awaited his spiritual son and the entire Russian people. It was necessary to strengthen the prayer shield that saved Joseph and give him impenetrable spiritual armor, because in the revelation Stalin was named the God-given leader of the Russian people, to whom the fate of Russia and the world in the twentieth century would be entrusted.

And the elder made up his mind. He took the opportunity to contact Joseph’s supervisor, Colonel Raevsky. This connection was carried out through Bishop Trifon /Turkestanov/, a relative of the head of the Moscow counterintelligence department, Lieutenant Colonel V.G. Turkestanov. Colonel Raevsky immediately arrived at the meeting.

What he learned required a complex, multi-step operation to be carried out quickly. But no other way was visible. Joseph had to be immediately transferred to reserve. The danger to his life increased every day. Stalin's route to Moscow was chosen through Velikiye Luki to Volokolamsk. There, in the Joseph-Volotsky Monastery, the sacred action began. Steel Joseph became the heir of Joseph Volotsky and was given the impenetrable prayer shield of the Russian land. He perceived the power of the punishing sword handed by Sergius of Radonezh to Dmitry Donskoy, kneeling near the grave of the glorious guardsman Ivan the Terrible, Grigory Lukyanovich Skuratov-Belsky, who died in battle.

Stalin saw with his own eyes all the Russian knights who fought against the ancient evil, and their gigantic strength poured into the veins of a kneeling man, God’s chosen one for a terrible unprecedented battle... Then the path of Steel Joseph led to New Jerusalem. The low vaulted entrance of the underground temple, a long - 33 steps - stone staircase down to the depth of the discovery of the Holy Cross. All the monks were already assembled. Bishop Tryphon approached Joseph, who was kneeling. The “black hesychasts” prayed for the third night in a row. The rite of secret tonsure began and the new name of the monk was announced - Michael.

The words of blessing of the hesychasts sounded sternly: “You are the heir from the Great Dynasty and you will accept the burden of the Supreme Power in the terrible hour of death, but you will remain Orthodox and will always remember God. And when you destroy the Masonic backstage that has surrounded Rus' on all sides, you will certainly return all the rights of the Orthodox Church and return the Orthodox Faith to the Russian people. For now you can’t do anything, because there are too few unexpected Russians around you. And while there is no one to rely on to put an end to the Jewish Satanism that has taken up arms against Holy Rus', but the decisive hour is near, at the door, get ready!

The morning of the next day found Stalin on his way to Siberian exile in the Turukhansk region...

In 1918, the Resurrection New Jerusalem Monastery was closed, a museum was formed on the territory, but monastic service continued for another ten years, despite the reigning turmoil. In 1928, Stalin visited the monastery and met with the last of the still living monks, before whom he took a sacred oath. By the firm will of the last hesychasts, Stalin closed almost all the monasteries in the USSR, because now the time had come for the monks to go and preach to the people...

Stalin. Some pages of personal life (episodes 1 and 2) http://

STALIN (Dzhugashvili) Joseph Vissarionovich (pseud. Koba and others) (1878-1953), political figure, Hero of Socialist Labor (1939), Hero of the Soviet Union (1945), Marshal of the Soviet Union (1943), Generalissimo of the Soviet Union (1945) . From a shoemaker's family. A zealous supporter of V.I. Lenin, on whose initiative in 1912 he was co-opted into the Central Committee and the Russian Bureau of the Central Committee of the RSDLP. In 1922-53, General Secretary of the Party Central Committee. Since 1941, Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars (CM) of the USSR, during the war years, Chairman of the State Defense Committee, People's Commissar of Defense, Supreme Commander-in-Chief. In 1946-47, Minister of the Armed Forces of the USSR.

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