Vigi (WHIGS) is a political party in England.

The term emerged at the end of the 17th century as a mocking nickname of one of the parliamentary groups, which was not yet a party in the modern sense of the word. Vigi was supporters of restriction of royal prerogative and expansion, strengthening the rights of parliament. Throughout the 1st third of the 19th century, Vigi was in opposition. They came to power during the growing upstream of the society for changing the system of representation in parliament.

In 1832, the Government of Charles I Gray, supported by public opinion, managed to hold parliamentary reform. It only partially eliminated some of the vices of this system, which was still in the Middle Ages. Following the parliamentary reform of Vigi, other important transformations were carried out. Among them is the abolition of slavery in British colonies (1833), an act of urban self-government (1835) and a new Poor Law (1834). He limited the help that poor people, old men received, sick, unemployed, etc. Walls of a work house. In the period of the struggle for the parliamentary reform, Vigov became increasingly called liberals, supporters of freedom and transformations. Contemporaries are less and less used by the term "Vigi". And the Vigi themselves in the middle of the century got close to other parliamentary groups. Based on their union, a liberal party was created.

John Russell (John Russell) (18.08. 1792-28.05.1878) - British State Avestigator, leader of Vigov. Born in an old aristocratic family. Since 1813, he becomes a member of the parliament and immediately declares itself as a supporter of the parliamentary reform. In the Vig Governments, he held posts by ministers of domestic and foreign affairs, for the colonies. In 1846-1852 and in 1865-1866. He headed the government. He was a supporter of a flexible policy of concessions and moderate reforms. In 1828, he introduced a proposal for the abolition of so on. Test acts, in 1831, the first draft of parliamentary reform. Being the Minister of Internal Affairs carried out the first reform of urban self-government in 1835 at the same time he advocated the suppression of the radical wing of the Irish National Movement and Chartists in 1848

Tori.

Tori (Togu) is a political party originated in England in the 1670s.

She united in its ranks a large land aristocracy, higher Anglican clergy, a part of the middle and small landowners. Since the occurrence of the principles of the hereditary monarchy and the completeness of the royal prerogatives defended.

Shifts in the socio-economic sphere changed the social base of the Vigo party, but Tori and in the early 19th century still reflected the interests of large lendlords. They were in power in the first third of a century, but from the 1820s. There was no previous unity in the party. After the election reform of 1832, the industrial bourgeoisie was admitted to political power; Wig-liberal cabinets are formed. The former parties of Vigov and Tory are slowly transformed into liberals and conservatives. R. Pil tried to restore the former influence of Tori, putting forward the ideas of new conservatism. But after the abolition of bread laws (1846), the pillar and his supporters leave the Tori batch, which is formed on a new protectionist basis. Her leader becomes Derby, which three times generates minority governments. The completion of the evolution of Tori to the conservative batch occurred in con. 1860s. for

By the end of the 50s of the XVII century. Military dictatorship mode began to meet the opposition, both on the right and left. The royalists dreamed of restoring the monarchy. Republicans also did not suit a new form of government, a little similar to the republican. The death of Cromwell in 1658 accelerated the political crisis. For a while, the authorities went into the hands of the son of Cromwell - Richard, but, being a weak political figure, in the conditions of an increasing crisis, he failed to keep it. In 1659, the remainder of the long parliament declared himself a constituent authority. In 1660, he restored the ward of the Lords and the old constitutional monarchy, proclaiming Charles II Stewartu by the English king. The restoration of the monarchy entailed the restoration of the previous electoral system, the structure of parliament, some state bodies. In order to preserve your own security and the results of the revolution, the new the nobility achieved from Karl II signing the "Brad Declaration" where the king promised a number of political guarantees :

• amnesty to the participants of the revolution;
• providing religion freedom (with the exception of Catholic);
• preserving new owners confiscated during the revolution Lands of royalists, crowns and churches.

After approved by the throne, Karl II forgot about these promises. The participants of the revolution began to be prosecuted. Crummel's corpses and other participants in the revolution were thrown out of the graves and rummaged to the gallows. The Anglican Church was announced by the state religion, and Puritans were again persecuted. Stewart attempted to return the feudal nobleman and the church of the Earth confiscated during the revolution. But they met the open resistance of new owners - bourgeoisie and gentry, an attempt was not crowned with success. This testified that the main social shifts made by the revolution were not subject to change. The country walked on the capitalist path of development and the monarchy should have adapted to this. Differences among the ruling classes again made parliament with the center of political struggle.

Tory and Vigi.
In the 70s xvii in . in the English parliament gradually took shape 2 Political parties : tori. and vigi. (Originally switches: whig - on Scottish - prostokvash ; tory. - street thief in Ireland). Tori were supporters of the strengthening of royal power and the Anglican Church. The social base of the party was the landowner aristocracy - the old feudal nobility. Vigi, who appeared on the new nobility and bourgeoisie, advocated the preservation of the constitutional monarchy at the power of the Parliament. During the reign of Karl II, Tori was dominant in the English parliament. Vigi, being in opposition and being pursued, fought for the recognition of personal rights.

Habas Case Act.
In 1679, using its short-term majority in the community chamber, they manage to hold the famous Habeas Corpus ACT (the act of best to ensure the freedom of the subject and the prevention of imprisonment by the seas). Its main importance was in the guarantees that he gave against non-shared arrests. The essence of the law was reduced to the following:

• Any arrested person had the right personally or through its representatives to contact one of the highest ships of England (the Chancellor Supreme Court, the Treasury Court, the Court of the Royal Bench) with the requirement of issuing a prescription - Habeas Corpus. Refusal to issue an order withdrew a fine of 500 F.S. in favor of the victim (Art. III, x).
• To receive the order of Habeas Corpus, an official (sheriff, a jailer or warden), in the conduct of which was arrested, was obliged to deliver it to the judges, issued a prescription (Art. II). Otherwise, an official was punishable for 1 time a large fine (100 F.S.), on the second removal from office, fine 200 F.S.
• During the two subsequent days, the court to which the prisoner was delivered, checked the foundation of the arrest and made a decision on the feasibility of detention to court, which considered the case on the merits. The judge could free the arrested under guarantee and monetary deposit before the sentence (Art. III).
• The person released by order of the Habeas Corpus could not be arrested to the court for the same crime (Art. VI).

The act of acting did not apply to persons arrested "for state treason or a grave criminal offense" (Art. III). In addition, the Parliament retained the right to suspend this law. In general, despite the limitations, "Habaes Corpus Act" gave a number of legal guarantees of the inviolability of the individual.

In the "aristocratic" period in the UK, two parties were alternating: Tori and Vigi. These were the party courtes and elite (not massive). Tori batch (conservative) exists and from time to time forms the government so far; Vigo Party (Liberal) in the 1920s. lost influence and broke up in 1988

The emergence of these political parties relates to the era of the restoration and is associated with the confrontation of Catholics - Anglican - Presbyterian. Ireland was "external" in relation to England Catholics, Scotland - Presbyterian. Party Tory - Irish, Vigi - Scottish origin.

Vigi (from Schotl. Whiggamore - letters. Cattle drivers) - initially the name of the Scottish Covenankers, that is, the presbyterian, tolerant to the monarchy, but insisted that the king does not attempt to the traditional rights of parliament. Their leader was Marquis Archibald Kemplates Argyll (Argyll, 1598 - 1661) at the end of 1647 - early 1648 Argail refused to support the Duke of James Hamilton, who initiated the Scottish intervention in favor of Karl I and was broken by Cromvell. After that, the Argail Party became the ruling in Scotland (October 1648). However, the King's execution caused indignation in Scotland: in Edinburgh they learned about it on 4.02.1649, and already 5.02.1649, the Parliament of Scotland declared his son - Charles (Future Charles II), who fled to Holland - King of Scotland, England and Ireland. From him, the Scots demanded, however, the recognition of the "solemn league and competition". Karl did not say any yes, nor no: he hoped more on the Irish / Catholics. But at the end of 1649 - early 1650 pianos suffered terrible defeats in Ireland. And on May 1, 1650, the Card signed a nonsense agreement with Coventera. In 1650, the main cities of Scotland were captured Cromwell. In the area of \u200b\u200bPerth, which the British did not control, on January 1, 1651, Argail solemnly laid on the head of Charles II Scottish crown. Karl II was soon forced to flee, and Argail was hidden in the mountains to the restoration itself 1660 in 1679 - 1682. The political crisis in England, especially psychosis due to rumors about Catholic conspiractions, strengthened the influence of the British Presbyterian. This tried to take advantage of their Scottish like-minded man - Archibald Campbell Argail Jr. - Son of mentioned. In May - June 1685, he raised an uprising (under the slogans of the "Down King of Papist" and "Down of Idolopoclonies"), but was defeated and at the end of June 1685 executed in Edinburgh. In 1688 - 1689, it was Vigi that were the initiators of the "glorious revolution". The party was ruling in 1689 - 1710, 1714 - 1784, 1806 - 1807. It was Vigi to draw England to the War for Spanish inheritance, and their fall in 1710 was associated with failures in this war. In the XVIII century - oligarchic bourgeois-reformer party. Democratic (oriented to expand the circle of voters) it became only in the XIX century.

Tori (from Irland. Toraidhe - letters. Robber pursued by tramp) - Initially, the name of the Irish supporters of Charles II in 1649 - 1650. Recognized the divine law of kings and did not allow any right to resist their power. The ruling party during the restoration period (Thomas Gobbs was a visible ideologist). In 1678, the main opponents of the Ostrovsky Plans of York City from inheritance. However, the overwhelming majority of Tori's adherents were British, and the Catholic orientation of Yakov II "pushed" many Tori to the opposition, so they, although without much enthusiasm, but supported the "glorious revolution" 1688 - 1689. After the Tori revolution is the main opposition party. In power were only in 1710 - 1714, 1762 - 63, 1770 - 82, 1783 - 1806, 1807 - 30. Their main support was always landowners - medium and large - however, Tori was always skillfully attracted to their side of all who did not like costs bourgeois progress. In the XIX century flirted with socialist ideas (especially Benjamin Dizraeli).

United Kingdom in the XVIII century:

1714, August 10 - Kurfürste George Hannover was proclaimed by the King of Great Britain (George II). In the parliamentary elections, Vigi won in the coming years.

1716, April - on the initiative of Vigov adopted a law on the extension of the powers of the parliament from 3 years to 7.

1719 - Daniel Defo "Travel Gullier".

1736 - Formally canceled the death penalty for witchcraft.

1738 - Built Westminster Bridge in London.

1740 - 1780 - "The interval of the world between religious fanaticism and fanaticism class and racial" (the words of the historian George Trevevyan)

1740 - The beginning of the war for the Austrian legacy split the Wig Party. Walpol considered relevant neutrality in order to intervene only in the case of a "equilibrium violation" in Europe, i.e. Support the player. "Young Vigi" - for the fight against France and Spain.

1742, 2.02 - the resignation of Robert Walpola. His "dumped" Block "Young Vigi" (William Pitt Senior) and Tori (Bolingbro). However, Vigi remained in power.

1744, November - the reorganization of the Vigian government Henry Palgem: in it (for the first time since 1714) several Tori are included.

1745 - In Scotland, the rebellion of Yakovites (Last)

1748 - In the Scotland, the hereditary jurisdiction of clan leaders is canceled

1756 - The beginning of the conquest of India by the East India Company. In 1757, Robert Clive was broken by the French and their ally Siraj-Od-Dule, Navaba Bengal. This event is considered a year of conquering India by the British.

1760 - George II passed away and George III came to power.

1762, May - for the first time the head of the government appointed Tori - J. Bute. Cabinet T.N. "Royal Friends." Not long: only until April 1763.

1763 - Paris World - Completion of the Seven-year war (the victory of the United Kingdom and Allies)

1765 - Blackstone "Comments on the laws of England"

1768, April 10 - demonstration on the fields of St. George in support of Wilx. (He was elected to Parliament from Middlesk County, but his mandate was canceled). The soldiers shot a demonstration: 6 killed and many wounded.

1769 - The first patent of Gemes Watt on the steam machine (industrial application - from 1785).

1770 - The first manifestations of Luddog movement ("Machine destroyers"). The bombing state, in contrast to the absolutist, was not afraid of those social problems that arose due to technical innovations released large amounts of labor. Luddism - the consequence.

1771 - Parliamentary debates began to be published for the first time (the ban was silent with both chambers)

1782, March 20 - the fall of the Thoria Government of North. The collapse of the Personal Board of George III. The new prime minister became Rokingham, Vig.

1783, December 23 - the Government headed 24-year-old (!!) William Pitt Ml. - Leader of "New Tori", loyal Hannover dynasty and recognizing the limited nature of the monarchy. It was in his rule to Great Britain entered the war with revolutionary France.

1787 - Wilberfors Initiative about banning slave trade in British possessions. He was supported by Pitt and Charles Fox (Chief of Liberal Opposition), but did not gain the majority in parliament. Especially zealous defenders of the slave trade turned out to be the merchants of Liverpool.

1790 - Built the first warship of iron

1790 - Edmund Burk "Reflections on the French Revolution"

1793, January - War of revolutionary France declared (with small breaks stretched - counting and wars with Napoleon - until 1815).

1794, May 23 - To combat the supporters of the French revolution, W. Pitt initiated the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act. (His action, however, was restored already in July 1795).

1795 - Organizational Department of Methodism from Anglicism

1795, May 6 - the beginning of the introduction subsistence minimum . In the village of Spinhamland, the county Berkshire, a meeting of the Magistrate members took place, which resulted: "Every poor and hardworking person" should have at least 3 shill. A day for the content of yourself and 1 shill. 6 pence for each family member. "These money should be provided by either his personal earnings and earnings of his family members, or he must receive an assistance from the funds coming by collecting the tax in favor of the poor." The amount was "tied" to the price of karabavy bread in 1 shill: if the price is higher, then the payments are proportionally higher. This scale was used almost everywhere, so many believed, as if there were Spinhamland Akt.having the power of the law. In fact, it was a custom, fixed by the regulations of local authorities.

1797 - To cover military spending, Pitt allowed the English bank to produce paper money, not secured by gold. Thereby the beginning inflation .

1799, January 9th - Britain introduced income tax (This is the first time in the world!)

1799 - B. New Lanarka, Scotland, one of the co-owners of the textile factory became Robert Owen. According to his insistence, the working day was reduced from 14 to 10 ½ hours, a system of promotions for quality work was introduced, the workers were provided with more comfortable housing. As a result, labor productivity increased, the profit increased, the voltage in the relations of workers and the administration was changed by relations social partnership.

1801, March 14 - the resignation of W. Pitt and its conservative government (the reason is the defeat of Napoleon II of the Coalition). Pitt replaced another Tory - Addington, prone to agreement with Napoleon.

1801, October 1 - a preliminary peace treaty between Great Britain and France was signed in London. Final peace – Amiena - imprisoned March 27, 1802. France returned Egypt Turkey, but retained control over Belgium and the Netherlands.

1803, May 12 - a breaking of diplomatic relations between the UK and France: English Ambassador Worthwood left Paris.

1805 - Nathan Rothschild founded the most famous from Jewish banker houses in London.

1805, October 21 - Great Naval Victory over the French fleet Admiral Vilneva with Cape Trafalgar (but the death of Admiral Horatio Nelson)

1806, January 23 - Death of William Pitt ML. Death words: "Oh, my country! Who I leave my country! "

The new government ("all talents") was composed of Vigov and Tori Addington orientation.

1806, September 13 - the leader of Vigov Charles Fox died - according to many historians, the only British politician who had a chance to prevent further wars with Napoleon.

1806, November 21 - Napoleon introduced directed against the UK continental blockade of the British Islands.

1807, March - forbidden the slave trade in British colonies in West Indies (after the Negritan uprisings on Barbados 1804 and Trinidad 1805).

1807, the second half: after the introduction of the continental blockade, the inclusion of Russia into the Napoleonic system in the Tilzit world, the occupation of Portugal by the French, the closure of the Adriatic for the British fleet - the United Kingdom was in such isolationwhich never happened to never! Until June 1812. The United Kingdom is opposed to Napoleon almost without allies! (She had an uprising in Spain against Napoleonic occupation, but the Spanish patriots initially needed help to survive). The blockade led to a noticeable crisis of business life, although contributed to the revival of agricultural production: So, Ireland by 1811 increased the production of flax by the magnitude of the previous imports from Russia. "Extenuina" was trading with new light: Brazil and Spanish colonies, where in 1810 war began for independence.

1807, September 3 - 5 - the British fleet subjected to Copenhagen bombardment. (Britain feared that the Danish fleet would fall into the hands of Napoleon. The fleet was small, but under the French control could be blocked by the British, even in the Baltic Sea. The British demanded that the fleet began to fill the city. Denmark capitulated and passed the Fleet to the British, but in Further was on the side of Napoleon and after his defeat was forced to transfer Norway to Sweden).

1810, the end of the year is the Ambassy of King George III. He is removed from the work of the control. The prince of regent was proclaimed by his son - the future George IV, a drunkard and a womanizer.

1811, March 11 - in Nottingham, workers' knitters gathered on the square and swore to destroy the machines of those manufacturers who pay too little. Thus, a new wave of Luddang movement began. (14.02.1812 The death penalty was introduced for Luddites).

1812, June - after death (May 11) Prime Minister of Spencer Perseval (his crazy) Tori offered Wigam to form a coalition government. It was not possible to negotiate, the new government (Lord Liverpool) became purely Torian, but it agreed with Wigami and remained in power until April 1827 - amazingly long.

1815 - British captured Nepal

1815, January 3 - During the Vienna Congress, the United Kingdom concluded a secret union with Austria and France against Russia and Prussia (in the Polish question).

Wars ended. British public debt amounted to 885 million fs. Only interest on it - 32 million F centuries per year.

1815 - so that at the end of the war and after the disappearance of the continental blockade, agriculture did not go broken, introduced bread laws. Namely: the import of bread is forbidden if the price within the country does not reach 80 shill. For quarters (290 bulk liters). But this is a very high price: even during the war, the quarters rarely cost more than 40 shill.

1817, March: crisis, unemployment, rallies and demonstrations. Parliament suspended the effect of Habeas Corpus Act.

1817 - David Ricardo "Principles of Political Economy and Taxes"

1818 - In India, the British conquered the principality of Marathov

1819 - United Kingdom bought about. Singapore at Sultan Principality of Johar.

1819, August 16 - in Manchester, on Piecefild Square, the opposition rally took place: for the parliamentary reform (cancellation of "rotten places") and the abolition of bread laws. As soon as the chief speaker began to speak, as he was arrested, and the hussars began to chop the crowd and shoot. Killed 11, was injured about 400 (including 100 women). This disgrace was called " Pieterloo"(By analogy with Waterloo).

1819 - 1st factory law (adopted at the initiative of R. Owen). Children's work under 9 years old is prohibited, and from 9 to 16 years old - no more than 12 hours. The law, according to the testimony of contemporaries, was not fulfilled, because There was no factory inspection to follow this.

1822, August - Minister of Foreign Affairs became George Cunning, Tory, previously known as the sworn enemy of Napoleon, liberal and revolutionary movements in Europe.

1823, March - Cunning announced that the United Kingdom recognizes the Greeks that rebuild against the Turkish authorities, the warring party.

1823 - Opening of Stockton-Darlington Railway.

1824 - Parliament canceled the ban on creating workers' unions.

1824 - Beginning of British Promotion in Burma

1824, December: Great Britain on the initiative of George Kanning recognizes the independence of Latin American states: Mexico, Colombia and Buenos Aires (refused to solidarity with Spain and blowing up the Holy Union).

1825 - The first crisis, which subsequently economists called the cyclic

1826, April 4 - a joint statement of Government and Russia's governments about the desirability of the autonomy of Greece and readiness to recognize it

1827, October 20 - the united squadron of the ships of Great Britain, France and Russia destroyed the Turkish fleet with Navarin.

1829 – the world's first passenger railway (Manchester - Liverpool, approx. 100 km). I brought profit!

1829 - Catholic Emancipation Act (banned prohibitions for confession of Catholicism, on Mass and Catholic positions)

1830, August - Parliamentary elections: Supporters of the reform of parliament received a minor majority

1830. November 16 - the resignation of the Toria Government Arthur Wellington. On November 22, the Wig Government of Charles Gray was formed.

1831, March 1 - Charles Gray and Lord John Russell brought to parliament Bill about reform: the elimination of all "rotten" and "pocket" towns without any compensation to the owners. Bill passed in 2m reading by a majority in 1 vote. The government decided to dissolve parliament and conduct early elections to have a serious majority in favor of reform. 06/14/1831 Early elections took place, and now the supporters of reform are most in 136 votes. 8.10.1831 The House of Lords rejected Bill on reform 199: 158. - 5.12.1831 Bill about reform was re-entered into the community chamber. 04/13/1832 Lords voted for him, but with a minor transcendence and disintegration of his amendments. Then at the rallies, supporters of reform began to call the people not paying taxes and commit "raids on banks", i.e. In order for one day, everyone recruited their deposits. 06/05/1832 The House of Lords approved Bill already without amendments - and

Reference: kings of the Hannover Dynastythat time:

1714 - 1727 GEORG (George) I
1727 - 1760 George II

1760 - 1820 George III

1820 - 1830 George IV

1830 - 1837 Wilhem (William) IV

1837 - 1901 - Victoria

The most wonderful political leaders:

Walpol, Robert (1676 - 1745), Vig, Prime Minister from 04/04/1721 to 2.02.1742. It is believed that it was he who created a financial mechanism, "launched" an industrial coup.

William Pitt Senior (1708 - 1778), Vig, Prime Minister 1766 - 1768

William Pitt Jr. (1759 - 1806), Senior Son, Tori, Prime Minister 1783 - 1801 and 1804 - 1806, died of shocks caused by defeat with Austerlice.

The most fateful inventions and technical innovations:

1764 - Hargrivs, Belbabe weaver, designed Jenny's straw, which pulled 16 threads at the same time.

1768 - First Factory with Water Engine (Arkrait in Nottingham)

1769 - James Watt received the first patent for a steam car (in 1784 patented a double-acting steam engine - the one that was used in the steam locomotives)

1814 - George Stephenson (1781 - 1848) designed the locomotive and put it in Killling Railway

1831, October 17 - Michael Faraday held the first successful test of the dynamo machine, proving a single nature of electricity and magnetism and putting the beginning of the use of both electric motors and alternating currents.

Vigi called themselves the "Party of the People" in opposition to Tori, which they ordered the "court party". From the very beginning, Vigi was heard by the principal opponents of the king and the defenders of the parliament. The conservatives have repeatedly reset them into the opposition, but they were courageously returned back. The author site Nikolai Bolshakov tells how English liberals skillfully and professionally fought for power, even being in a minority.

In the courtyard - England of the late XVII century, political parties are just beginning to appear in parliament. Some political groups supported the king, like Tori, and others, Vigi, for example, were resolutely against. As soon as they took shape, as the opposition received a caustic nickname "Vigi", which is translated as "cattle chambers" or "mares chapels". They awarded such "honor" for having to deprive Jacob II Stewart and his brother Crown in 1679. Supporters of the King declared: "The sprayed speech of Vigov consists of sighs, sobs, moans, and cells, and a special shade of all this attaches bent."

"Vigi" translates from Scottish as "cattle traffickers"

In the people, and this strongly contributed to Tori, the image of Viga as a sullen, fanatical Scottish Presbyterian and chaser formed. Actually, Vigi also distinguished themselves with acuters aside "Kavalerov", calling Tori a monster "with an English person, a French heart and an Irish conscience." Mutual dislike Tori and Vigi says that the history of these parties is built on a permanent and fundamental rivalry with each other.

King Georg I.

Vigi called themselves "People's Party" and performed with an uncompromising and sometimes tough criticism in the address of the king. Moreover, they diverged with the crown and in a religious question: they sympathized with the radical flows of Protestants and many nonconformist sects, completely rejecting Catholicism. Being all the time in opposition at the steart dynasty, Vigi finally got a chance to come to power after the death of Queen Anna in 1714, which did not leave direct heirs.

Vigi was erected on the throne of George I in 1714, for which he gave them power

If political opponents, Tori, wanted to see the brother of the Queen in exile on the throne, provided that he abandoned Catholicism in favor of the Anglican Faith, the Vigi insisted on the adherence to the early parliamentary act. According to this document, the Crown was supposed to go through Hannover Kurfürst Georg Ludwig. As a result, everything was played by the opposition: Brother Anna, Prince Wales, refused to go to another faith, and the future monarch Georg I landed in England - the beginning of the Hannover dynasty was found.

King Georg I weakly understood in the subtleties of English politics, and therefore he fully entrusted his affairs Wigam, who received all the important state posts. They managed to reset the "court batch" in the Opposition: All benefits and luxury were given to future liberals.

The government office, which fully consisted of Vigov, was shown until 1760, when another king, George III, decided to get rid of their political monopoly. Of course, Tori took advantage of the case and selected the portfolios of the ministers in Vigov. But on this the history of future liberals was not over. Wigam managed to recoup in the XIX century. Moreover, George III, unfortunately for all England, lost American colonies, losing them in the war for independence of 1775-1783.

One of the most odious leaders of Vigi William Gladstone

In 1830, Tori unexpectedly failed to defeat the parliamentary elections. Then the new Liberal Government of Charles I Gray began to drag the project of the electoral system reform through both chambers of parliament, which was very timely. Vigi by that time was considered a party of commercial and industrial bourgeoisie, while Tori defended the interests of land aristocracy.

Compared to the past century, England looked completely different: the network of railways won the country, there were numerous factories and factories in the cities, the working movement everywhere was gaining momentum. And therefore the archaic electoral system required changes, which the liberals managed to achieve in 1832. According to this electoral reform, the electorate has expanded significantly - deputies from industrial cities received in parliament. And so, Liberals, enlisting public support, promoted their bills. They managed to cancel slavery in British colonies, adopt acts of urban self-government and the law on the poor 1834 - in general, to do what Tori was just in rabies. And in 1859 the liberal party was founded, which the Vigi themselves and other opposition coalitions were included.

After the election reform of 1832, the industrial bourgeoisie also received power. In the UK, a bipartisan system was finally developed: liberal offices were inferior to conservatives, they returned back again. It can be said that the "Golden Age" of the Liberal Party fell on the XIX century, because such legendary prime ministers, like William Gladston, John Russell, Henry Palmerston confidently steered the empire in the Victorian era. For example, the leader of Vigov, Mr. Gladstone, became the prime minister four times and made a great contribution to the development of Britain, which never came the sun, and its colonies. The liberals were successfully and practically accurately managed the country, but the challenges of the XX century did not make themselves waiting for a long time. In 1900, the Labor Party appeared.

Modern Liberal Party Logo Great Britain

Laborists quickly broke the traditional bipartisan system and firmly entrenched in the political life of the country. The Labor Party as a decent alternative simply selected voices in Liberals. Lloyd George became the last prime minister from the Liberal Party, who held this post from 1916 to 1922. It was he who signed the Versaili world on behalf of Britain and participated in the construction of independent Ireland. World War II forced Liberals to participate in the Coalition Government, who led Prime Minister Winston Churchill. And after the victory of the allies over Hitler, the liberals remained not from cases: the chief emphasis of the political struggle was shifted to the opposition between the conservatives and the same laborists.

Lloyd George became the latest British Prime Minister from Liberals

Yes, to this day, the Liberal Party is experiencing not better times. According to the results of the 2015 parliamentary elections, Vigi received only 8 seats in the community chamber. This means that, compared with the previous elections of the 2010, the English liberals lost 48 mandates. And in the House of Lords, the Liberal Party is in the minority: 111 deputies from 821. Therefore, the current Vigi is poorly reminded of those who managed to get out of the opposition to leaders.

Introduction 3.

The emergence of parties of Vigov and Tory 5

Reform of the electoral right of 1832 in England. Parliamentary elections 10.

American Tory and Vigi 29

Conclusion 31.

List of sources used 32

Introduction

The relevance of the topic of course work. English magazine Freigold dated June 25, 1716. Writes: "Almost the whole English nation is divided into Vigov and Tory, because there are a little such who holds aside, not a single name of the new naming. It would seem that we may consider that every member of the community, confidently accepting the views of the same party, they deeply investigated them, thought about them and was convinced of their superiority over the principles of the party rejected. However, we know that most of our fellow citizens are obedient only to prejudices, withdrawn upbringing, or personal preferences, or respect for those who in their heart can be, and does not share opinions, diligently inspired by the crowd. Moreover, many adherents of one of the parties would undoubtedly be consonted with the enemy if they managed to express their true feelings and express their own opinion. " Thus, in England in the 17-19 centuries, a constant confrontation between the representatives of the two parties - Vigov and Tori was conducted. It is for these two parties alternately for two centuries based leaders of the country.

The topic of the course work: "Vigi and Tory".

The subject of the study work is the parties of Vigov and Tory.

The purpose of the study is to be based on the knowledge gained in the course of training and studying scientific literature, correctly, comprehensively and objectively disclose the essence of the topic of course work.

The objectives of the study are predetermined by the purpose of the study and are to:

Talk about the emergence and programs of the Parties of Vigov and Tory;

Show the difference between English Tory and Vigov from American;

Analyze how they affected the activities of representatives of these parties to further develop England.

The structure of the course work includes: title sheet, introduction, three sections, conclusion, a list of used sources. Course work performed on 32 sheets of computer text.

The emergence of the parties of Vigov and Tory

Vigi is the English political party in the 17-19 centuries. The Vigi Party began to develop in the late 1660s, as a grouping of opponents of the absolute power of King Charles II Stewart. By this time, supporters of absolutism - the so-called "courtyard party" - managed to significantly increase the powerful powers of the king. The leader of the courtyard party was the favorite of King Count Debie, who headed the government. In 1667, the supporters of Absolutism managed to cancel the "three-year act", which obliging the king to convene the parliament at least once every three years.

The opposition to the Royal Government is consolidated in the community chamber. In contrast to the courtyard party, the oppositions called themselves the "party of the country". They criticized the corruption and the succulence of the yard, the external policy of the government, in particular, the Union with the Absolutist France. Like the "courtyard party", the opposition consisted of aristocrats supported by part of the British financial elite. In the 1670s of the "Party of the country", it was largely possible to adjust the decisions of the ruling cabinet.

A number of failures in foreign and domestic politics, unpopular wars with Holland, forced to resign the government of Count Denbi. At the parliamentary elections, 1679 and 1680 "Country Party" won. The placement of political forces contributed to the Parliamentary controversy of 1680-1681 around the "Bill on the exception" of the Duke of York - Prince Yakova Stewart - from the Prestiplotia and the conditions of convening parliament. It was then precisely for the representatives of the parties, the swords were entrenched, which opponents exchanged. Representatives of the "Party of the country" were called Wigami (WHIG in Scotland - a man out of law), and the "courtyard parties" - Tori (Toryy from Irish - "Robber"). At the opening of the Parliament of 1681, Vigi appeared with the detachments of armed supporters, which reminded the British on the horrors of civil wars during the English revolution. Public sympathy pendulum swung in the direction of Tori, the participation of Viga in a number of 2683 conspiracies discredited their batch, many of its leaders were arrested or emigrated and the "country party" was disorganized.

In essence, Vigi advocated the restriction of the prerogative of royal power, strengthening the position of parliament. In religious politics, they supported dissidents, members of the Protestant sects that were not part of the Anglican Church and advocated their civil rights. At the same time, Vigi was decisive opponents of the provision of equal rights to Catholics. Among the leaders of Vigov were the former royal ministers of Count Shertsbury and Duke Beckingham Jr..

Support for Tori provided in 1685 at the end of the throne of the King Catholic Yakov II Stewart. However, the policy of Catholic's rights to expand the Rights of Catholics aroused by the new king, both Vigov and Tori - most of their adherents of the Anglican Church. The Union of Tori and Vigov allowed in 1688-1689 a relatively easy to implement a glorious revolution and overthrow Yakov II from the throne. Vigi believed that the parliament in the right to transfer the throne to anyone, but Tori insisted on the observance of the principle of legitimacy. As a result of the compromise, the throne was transmitted in 1689 the daughter of Yakov II - Mary II Stuart and her wife Wilhelm III Orange. At the insistence of Vigi, the royal power was limited to the Bill on Rights, which served as the basis for the formation of a parliamentary monarchy.

Among Tori remained a lot of adherents of the overthrown king and especially his son Prince Welly, who after the death of the father was called Yakovaya III Stewart. Therefore, Wilhelm III during its reign of England (1689-1702) relied on Vigov. The same position was maintained at the Queen Anne Stewart (1702-1714), although she was close to Tori in its political and religious beliefs. During this period, most of the ministers were chosen by the so-called "Wig Junta" in the House of Lords.

Vigi advocated an active foreign policy of England, the purpose of which was to ensure its trading interests. They were supporters of England's intervention in the war for the Spanish legacy (1700-1713) and supported proposals in parliament on the allocation of military subsidies; One of the leaders of Vigov, the Duke of Malboro, commanded the British army in Flanders and Germany. But the war was delayed, and the military aroused discontent in the country. In the wave of this discontent in 1710, Tori won the elections in parliament, who spent the early conclusion of the world.

But the stay of Tori in power turned out to be short-lived. By this time, the question of the throne again was aggravated - the Queen Anna was childless. Tori performed for the transfer of the throne who was in exile to the brother of Queen - Prince Welly, subject to his abandonment of Catholicism. Vigi insisted on compliance with the parliamentary act of 1701, according to which the British Throne had to move to the distant relative of Stuarts - Hannover Kurfürst Georgu Ludwig. The refusal of Prince Wales to renounce Catholicism predetermined the victory of Vigov and the fall of the Tori government.

The first kings of the Hannover Dynasty - Georg I (1714-1727) and George II (1727-1760) - weakly focused in English politics and even poorly owned their tongue of their British subjects. They saw the guarantee of preserving the throne in Wiga and fully entrusted them the formation of the government. In the first half of the 18th century, the Cabinet of Ministers was invariably headed by Vigi, among which Robert Walpol was distinguished (Prime Minister in 1724-1742) and William Pitt-senior. Over the years, Great Britain has achieved significant success in foreign policy, led a successful colonial expansion. She managed to defeat France in the war for Austrian legacy (1740-1748) and a seven-year war (1755-1763), to stop the French expansion in Europe, oust the French from India and North America. The growth of industry and domination world trade made the UK one of the most powerful states of their time.

The dominance of Vigi on the internal political stage ended with the coming to power of the new king of George III (1760-1820), which believed that Vigi diminish the rights of the monarch. Based on Tory, the king managed to eliminate the viov from power and in 1770 to form a new Cabinet of Ministers. The actual head of this government was George III himself. The failures of the English troops in attempts to suppress the US revolution 1775-1783 led to the fall of the royal government. But George III refused to cooperate with Wigami, in 1783 he called on the so-called "moderate" or "new" Tori headed by William Pitt-younger. As a result of the regrouping of political forces, part of the Vigov passed into the ruling batch of Tori. The end of 18 - the beginning of the 19th century was the time of hegemony Tori in British politics, Vigi moved to the background, playing the role of opposition to His Majesty. During the Great French Revolution, part of the Vigov, headed by Edmund Berk, resolutely supported the war with France, but the other part headed by Charles Fox condemned the anti-Mansus politics. Wars with the revolutionary and Napoleonic France lasted a quarter of a century and ended with a complete victory of Great Britain.

During this period, the United Kingdom survived the industrial coup, a rapid growth of the economy, the social structure of the British society radically changed. The growth of the urban population, increased influence on the social life of the bourgeoisie, the intellectuals, employees, caused the strengthening of the liberal wing of the Vigov Party, prompted her to take more radical positions, primarily on the issue of parliamentary reform.

By this time, the British electoral system turned into an archaic, ripped from the realities of the Institute. However, he provided Landlordam - the main support of Tori is a significant number of places in parliament. Conducting moderate reforms in the interests of the development of the British Industry and Trade, Tori were decisive opponents of changes in the electoral system.

Bread laws of 1815 and the repressive policy of the Cabinet Robert Castlery undermined the political influence of Tori. Even in their ranks grew an understanding of the need for change. Liberally tuned Tory (J. Canning, R. Pil) began searching for a compromise with an opposition requiring parliamentary reform. Against this background, in the late 1820s, laws were adopted in the Rights of all religious denominations in the Great Britain.

Reform of the electoral right of 1832 in England. Parliamentary elections

The reform of 1832 was the first reform of the election law in England. She laid the beginning of the transition from the medieval electoral principle of equal representation from corporate units to the new democratic principle of representation on the number of population.

The essence of the reform was reduced to the redistribution of places in the House of Communities and an increase in the electorate. The House of Commons numbered 658 members, to the reform representing: 188 places from 114 counties, 465 - from 262 places, 5 from universities. The total number of deputies has been preserved, but 56 "rotten" places were eliminated, which sent 2 deputies. 32 "pocket" town with a population of up to 4 thousand people instead of 2 began to send 1 deputy. The liberated 144 places in parliament redistributed between counties and cities. 42 cities received the right to send deputies (among them major trade and industrial centers - Birmingham, Leeds, Manchester, Sheffield). 22 new constituencies were created, 14 of them - in industrial areas in the north of England.

Although the electoral qualifications were not reduced, as it was assumed according to the first Bill variant, the number of the electorate increased due to the fact that the active election law was granted to farmers and those tenants who paid 10 pounds of sterling per year of the rent. Thus, the number of voters has increased significantly at the expense of the rural population. For example, in Scotland, their number has grown from 4 thousand to 65 thousand people.

However, along with the pros, there were substantial minuses in conducting reform. First, the preservation of high property values \u200b\u200bdid not give the opportunity to representatives of the middle and small bourgeoisie, as well as workers to be elected to parliament and get political power. Secondly, the towns and towns still remained "presented" in the new electoral system. There was 5 places with an electoral less than 200 people, and 115 deputies represented the districts with a population of less than 500 people. Thirdly, the disproportion between urban and rural districts was still preserved. The Parliament of 1833 consisted of 399 deputies from urban voters, and 253 deputies were elected from rural districts (in the previous parliament, these indicators were even worse and amounted to 465 and 188 respectively). This is despite the fact that according to the census of 1831, 56% of the population of England lived in cities. True, pointing to this lack of an electoral system, it is necessary to take into account the urbanization process, which actively held in English society in the first half of the XIX century. And gradually leveled the difference between the number of urban and rural population.

A more serious problem was the fact that many settlements that had the status of cities were actually tightly tied to rural areas and were essentially agricultural territories. For example, the town of Huntington, where the number of voters in 1832 was only 390 people, was described in "electoral facts" as "a set of population engaged in the production of grain, wool, malt, soft cheeses. Although the "city-owner cities", which actually were the patrimony of the Landlords and could be sold or purchased, for this time disappeared, in the "agricultural" towns, land aristocracy continued to maintain the prevailing effect (about 70 lendlord deputies were elected to parliament from these territories ).

The reform had modest practical results for two reasons: first, due to the tough counteraction of Tori, secondly, due to the fact that it was carried out by the right, moderately tuned wing of the liberal movement - Wigami, who were striving to prevent the political domination of land aristocracy, allow To power, the banking oligarchy is closely related to it. But Vigi, strengthening its influence in the Union parliament with financial magnates, did not want to share the power with representatives of the middle class and especially with the workers.

However, despite this, the political importance of the reform was huge. She showed the possibility of political change under the influence of public opinion and confirmed the correctness of the liberals who defended the reality of the phased implementation of the democratic election reform. Its consequence also changed the ratio of the forces between the chambers and the crown in favor of the House of Commons, the Cabinet of Ministers now began to form from representatives of the parliamentary majority. It should be noted that it was precisely the polarization of opinions in parliament on the issue of parliamentary reform of 1832 laid the beginning of a new party sirring: division into liberals (reformists) and conservatives - and the creation of a Victorian bipartisan system.

Elections to the new Poreless Parliament began in the fall of 1832. They brought success to representatives of the liberal direction. In the first half of the XIX century. Talk about English liberals as a party is wrongful. Liberalism was then a socio-political movement presented in parliament with several groups. First of all, these were the so-called "new" Vigi (or "liberal" vigi), that is, a perfectly tuned part of the Vigov - supporters of election reform. By the 30s of the XIX century. They constituted the majority among the Vigian parliamentarians.

The second group in the new parliament was "classical liberals" (or "philosophical radicals", as they called themselves). Representatives of this grouping, such as I. Bentam, J. Mill, D.S. Mill, D. Ricardo, R. Kobden, the most fully and in detail formulated political and economic liberal doctrines, which became the basis of classical liberalism. Fritreers entered the "classic liberals", consistently defending the economic interests of trade and industrial bourgeoisie, and closely associated with fritteiders Liberal intelligentsia.

The third liberal parliamentary group was the so-called radicals. They expressed the interests of small owners and socially infrained layers of English society (workers, Catholics, nonconformists). Turning to the needs of workers, and first of all the working class, they fought for social reforms. At the same time, the views and activities of English radicals can be described as liberal, as they protested against violent methods of struggle and offered only the reformist path of solving political and social problems. In the reformed parliament, the radical group was presented mainly by Irish Catholics and nonconformists.

According to the results of the parliamentary elections, 1832, Liberals received a total of 66.7% of the votes (554719) against 29.4% (241284) voters who voted for Tori.

The largest liberal group presented in Parliament was Vigi, who took 320 seats in the House of Communities. "Classic Liberals" received 50 seats. Radical grouping - 42 places obtained by Irish deputies, 71 Place occupied dissenters. Thus, voters preferred those liberal groups whose activities were associated with the implementation of the parliamentary reform, primarily Wigam. The electorate of new industrial districts voted for liberals.

The social composition of parliamentarians was also far from a proportional democratic representation from different layers of society. Three quarters of deputies took place from the aristocratic class, the rest were represented by the financial and commercial and industrial bourgeoisie. The government was still an expressive of the interests of land aristocracy. Of the 103 members of the Cabinet of Ministers (from 1830 to 1866), only 14 were representatives of the bourgeoisie. At the same time, the most famous from the "bourgeois" ministers of R. Pil and W. Gladstone, being a traditional aristocratic education from families of merchants, graduated from Oxford University (each with an excellent diploma in two specialties at once). The exception of the general trend of the domination of the aristocracy in the government can be considered the composition of the Lord J. Melbourne Cabinets 1834 and 1835, where representatives of the bourgeoisie numerically prevailed, but also in them the key ministerial posts remained behind the aristocratic ministers.

There were two important reasons for preserving the influence of land aristocracy in parliament after the reform of 1832. First, the presence of a parliamentary tradition, according to which a person was unprepared for political activities and who had no practical political experience, a person was defeated by the chance of becoming not only a member of the government office, but also a parliamentarian. Secondly, the preservation of a high electoral qualification limited the influx of new persons into politics, since only very secured people could afford professionally in politics. According to the magazine "Economist", even in 1864, the career of the political figure was available in English society a narrow circle of persons who had no more than 5 thousand people.

It is these reasons that, in many respects, it is possible to explain the presence of a large number of electoral districts, where candidates were chosen on a non-alternative basis. So, for the period from 1832 to 1852, out of 501 candidates registered with 67 electoral districts of England and Wales, 62% did not have rivals in the elections. However, the existence of non-alternative elections was also associated with political apathy by part of the voters, pre-confident in the impossibility of political change or not interested in politics; and with a preliminary agreement between candidates from Vigov and Tori. Often, the day before the elections, the rivals agreed, and one of the parties, agreed to defeat, filmed his candidacy. This was done in order to avoid the cost of conducting the election procedures. In the reports, such a political conspiracy was called "an indisputable choice of" voters.

In a number of districts, the influence of local lendlords remained significant, which was reflected in the course of the elections. For example, in the south of Lincolnshire in the 1841 elections in 32 of the 44 constituent districts belonging to one landowner, the votes of all voters were given to him. If the land ownership in constituencies was distributed approximately equally between landowners - candidates from Vigov and Tori, then the contenders from the opposing parties were among themselves the so-called world of the district, which coiled to share representative places from these counties.

Due to all these reasons, the electoral reform of 1832 did not lead to significant changes both in the election procedure and the composition of the elected. In principle, such a situation arranged both opposing parties, since Vigi, like Tori, did not try to complicate the election system and increase the costs of the election campaign (they would arise in the presence of strong and numerous competitors). Attracting a large number of new persons in politics threatened not only under the influence of politicians currently in force, but it was also unprofitable for material considerations. Vigi decided to hold a parliamentary reform because they were striving for democratization of the electoral system, and therefore, first of all, that they wanted to come to power, enlisted with sympathy and support of both public opinion and various groups of parliamentary opposition, which they managed to rally in the struggle For selective reform. By eliminating the most anachronic elements of the electoral system, Vigi nevertheless retained a representative office from "rotten" towns, which provided the predominance in the House of Communities of the Sons of Peters and Baron.

Therefore, a surge of activity during the election campaigns of 1831 and 1832. Quickly replaced by the routine policy of the "necessary choice" and the party conspiracy. So, before the elections of 1831, there were two places in Northamptonshire, which were divided between candidates from Vigov and Tory. After the reform of 1832, the number of electoral seats increased to four. In two new places, the election struggle began to deploy, and Vigi had real chances to get out of their rivals, but the leader of the Vigo party Viscount Oldorp spoke out against rivalry with Tori candidates in these constituencies, offering to share new places in the parity principles. He did not want to "go on spending due to the fact that some mistakes will insist on one of the candidates, often contrary to all reasons and common sense."

Viscount Olderp expressed the position of the "old" virus - a conservative part of the Viga party, closely related related and economic interests with Landlords. The "old" Vigi believed that the adoption of the parliamentary reform of 1832 was completed by the struggle for the liberalization of the electoral system. Moreover, this struggle ended with the most profitable way for them. The presence in Parliament representatives of a large bourgeoisie provided Wigam advantage in the fight against conservatives, since Bourgeois deputies supported more liberal bills of Vigov. At the same time, the smallness of representatives of the bourgeoisie in Parliament gave Vigam the opportunity to control their actions and prevent independent policies from bourgeois groupings. Therefore, the main task of the "old" Vigi was considered to preserve the situation favorable situation, for which they were ready to go to substantial political compromises with Tori.

The readiness of the Viscount Olderp is divided or even to give the political power of the Torian opposition shows that Vigi and Tori were more related to economic and related interests than divided by political competition. Their rivalry was largely purely appearance. No wonder the prominent English publicist William Hezelitt compared these two parties with "two cutting carriages that move on the same way, to the same destination, spraying each other with mud."

The influence that Landlords enjoyed in many (most often rural) electoral districts was caused not only by their financial incomes. Very important for the realization of the English political realities of the first half of the XIX century. It is the fact that the land aristocracy enjoyed traditional respect in English society. In the eyes of the English man in the street, especially a rural resident, and the number of rural voters increased significantly as a result of parliamentary reform, Lord or Squire, who owned an extensive estate, deserved more confidence as a politician than banker or manufacturer. This circumstance often deprived the election of the parliamentarians of their political content. For a typical rural tenant of the first half of the XIX century, the voting was a function associated with his access to land association, but not with personal responsibility. The liability of the tenant carried before the landowner, and not before his conscience. Therefore, "his political loyalty was loyalty in relation to landowner, and not to the political party."

The basis of what can be called "political respect" against lendlords from tenants, a tradition, property addiction and coincidence of opinions on many political issues was made. So, on the preservation of the privileges of the Anglican Church or the protection of land ownership rights, the interests of Landlords and tenants coincide. It is the existence of "political respect" allowed land aristocracy for a long time to influence voters. However, the priority of origin and the clan in the elections in rural districts, as well as the lack of tenants the opportunity to actually participate in political life, led to the fact that the latter, as a rule, did not have political opinions at all. This often contributed to the emergence of political apathy in rural voters. It was she who led to the defeat of Tori in the elections of 1831 and 1832.

In general, speaking of residents of rural districts, it is difficult to identify the system in their political behavior and direct reasons for which respect, designed to the aristocratic candidate in the elections, was replaced by a complete indifference to him and non-participatory in elections. Most likely, one of the main reasons was the existence of a certain political dependence of rural voters from landowners. At the same time, it was possible to overcome this dependence. Liberal candidates could hardly persuade the village associated with Landlord and Gentry property and traditional relationships, vote against them, but to push rural voters to ignoring elections, they sometimes managed. It can be assumed that a publicistic campaign for promoting liberal ideas and candidates, represented by the Fritreer press as the position of "public opinion", was played in this process, i.e. The opinions of the majority, which has always been significant for conservative selenics. But at the same time, it should be noted that the economic ideas of freertageders contradicted the interests of rural residents, since without the support of the latter, the speeches of Landlords would be impossible against the abolition of bread laws regulated by the import of grain, which retained high prices for it in the domestic market.

Thus, the "classic liberals", which presented the interests of freertageders, unlike Vigov Landlords could hardly expect support for the rural population. In the best case, rural voters could maintain a neutral position in relation to bourgeois candidates. Therefore, "classic liberals" it was necessary to continue the struggle for the election reform in order to introduce a universal election of the right for men and a proportional system of representation in the number of residents from urban and rural districts. Only through an increase in the real number of urban voters it was possible under this system to ensure the political domination of the liberal bourgeoisie.

If in rural districts after the reform of 1832, the voter activity and the election results differed little from the pre-reform period, then in cities the reform caused serious changes. First of all, the number of electorate has increased. For the first time in English electoral practice, mandatory voter lists and party lists were introduced. As a result, the lawyers had a lot of work, since it was necessary to determine the social status and property values \u200b\u200bof one who was elected, and who had the right to be elected. In addition, each party sought to overtake electoral lists in the districts by their supporters and exclude under different pretexts of persons registered by the opposite side.

In the 30s of the XIX century. Public opinion becomes the reality of political life. Free press, freedom of assembly, rallies, words, the right to appeal to the king and parliament with petitions already experienced in English society began to be actively used economically developed, but not access to political power by the sections of society, primarily a trade and industrial bourgeoisie for Critics of government policy. The transition to the new bourgeois relationship destroyed the traditional gear of English society, replacing the vertical hierarchy with horizontal connections. Political life focused in large industrial cities. Representatives of various layers of urban population were involved in political discussions, they had their own leaders, their own societies, their own press. This allowed them not only to express their opinion, but also put pressure on the government.

Both Vigi and Tori quickly realized the importance of public opinion and tried to use it to strengthen their political influence and attract votes. By the mid-30s of the XIX century. They began to create their political organizations throughout the country (associations, clubs, societies). J. Paris, who led in 1835, Vigov's electoral campaign wrote: "We must organize associations in London for preliminary training, collecting signatures, registration of voters and financing our election campaign." Party activities were especially actively turned into cities, since after the municipal reform of 1835, which abolished oligarchic city corporations and ensuring the democratic procedure of voter registration, registration lists were updated every year. Unlike cities in rural districts, the voter was registered only once, and the re-registration was not required.

Differences in the forms of the organization of the election campaign between urban and rural districts were quite explained. In rural areas, with existing stability and conservatism of the population, independent political organizations were not needed. Political relations in rural districts were included in the system of socio-economic ties. Real estate agent or tenant just added political responsibilities to other obligations to society, and the organizational election function was performed by the rural administration, which registered voters, conducted public opinion polls and organized the election procedure.

The social structure of the city, on the contrary, was amorphous and included broken, often polar groups for the interests of the group (from bankers to lumpets). The difference in classes and income, the lack of social relations between the various layers of the urban electorate caused the need for an independent political organization. Analysis of urban election lists (from 1832 to 1867) shows that the main part of the voters was "shop owners, qualified artisans, intelligentsia, industrial bourgeoisie and bankers." As the English historian T. Nosyater, a similar electorate, cannot have a serious external pressure on such an electorate, and force them to vote against his own interests. Such people are sufficiently educated (due to the specifics of production) and are able to develop their own political ideas. "

Social contradictions were pronounced in urban society. In addition to the contradictions between capitalists and workers who have become a social consequence of an industrial coup, there were contradictions between trade and industrial bourgeoisie and land aristocracy, between supporters of the Anglican Church and Protestants. The situation was also complicated by a large number of social problems that were aggravated due to the rapid process of urbanization (for the first half of the XIX century. The number of urban population in England has doubled). Such problems were: poverty, unemployment, illiteracy, drunkenness of the lubricated part of the population.

All this could lead to the "random effect" of parliamentary elections, when their result would be practically unpredictable. For the city voter it was necessary to fight, creating political organizations not involved in a complex node of socio-economic contradictions and at least externally independent of direct addies to any of the social groups. This gave the opportunity to pursue a policy of consensus, uniting representatives of various social layers under general slogans and seeking votes for their candidates.

One of the main features of the Victorian era was the politicization of all regions of urban public life. Thus, the tax oppression of the government against the trade and industrial bourgeoisie in combination with the absence of the last political power contributed to the political organization of the city church county - the ancient community of taxpayers, which collected taxes on the maintenance of the church and help the poor. It is through it that middle-class representatives tried to influence the tax policies of the state and extend their claims to political power. Consequently, in many places, the liberal or radical community appeared as a political counterweight of the conservative oligarchy, "as a participant in the battle between competing parties for the voices of the middle class." Parish companies supported by the authority of the Church and provided by the taxpayers were a powerful conductor of liberal influence in many cities. In essence, they were public political organizations and controlled public life. For example, in the city of Leeds, as reported in 1841. The Special Legal Commissioner Commission on the Development of the Poor Act, "is hardly possible to take any steps without causing the response actions of a political party, which unites all dissent and has more power in the town".

In the 30-40th years of the XIX century. The main events of the domestic policy after the electoral reform of 1832 were: adoption in 1834 the new "Law on the Poor", which abolished cash benefits and established the so-called labor houses; the struggle for the abolition of navigation acts aimed at protecting the English maritime trade, and bread laws; attitude to chartism; Solving the issue of the privileges of the Anglican Church. The attitude to these problems of conservative and liberal politicians largely determined the alignment of forces in parliament. It is important to note that during this period the role of local authorities has increased, and often the election results in the municipalities influenced the parliamentary success of the party. For example, the results of the elections in the municipalities of Liverpool and Leeds reflect the ratio of the forces of conservatives and liberals in parliament in the 30s-40s of the XIX century. In 1835, during the domination of the Liberal Cabinet of Melbourne, Liberals had 43 places against 5 conservatives in Liverpool and 39 against 9 in Leeds. But already in 1841, when a conservative Cabinet of Pilan came to power, the liberals had only 15 places against 33 conservatives in Liverpool and 23 against 25 in Leeds.

As a result, the Crown could no longer affect the alignment of the forces in parliament, where the office was now formed on the principle of the elected party majority. So, in 1834, Wilhelm IV tried contrary to the results of the municipal and parliamentary elections, on which liberals won, to appoint a conservative government of a saw. But after a few months, the king was forced under pressure from parliament to replace him with a liberal office of Melbourne.

Both conservatives and liberals quickly appreciated the importance of socio-political organizations that made a real opportunity to influence the elections to parliament and inter-parliamentary factional struggle. In 1832, the first organization of this kind - a conservative carlton club appeared. Later, in 1836, the reform club was founded, which became a kind of socio-political center, which united opposition conservatives of force (Vigov, Liberals and radicals). The main tasks of these political clubs were financing election campaigns of their candidates, as well as collecting information about candidates of opponents. These organizations were, first of all, peculiar pre-election headquarters who have formed public opinion in favor of their applicants for deputy places.

However, the election struggle contributed to the consolidation of political groups that existed both in Tori (to a lesser extent) and Vigov. "Although we could have very serious discrepancies on some issues within the framework of the liberal party, I wrote the leader of Irish deputies D. about Connell, none of them were more important than discrepancies that were separated by liberals from conservatives."

Of course, the contradictions between the conservatives itself and the conservative liberals that existed in the Toria Party were preserved. There were also no conflicts between the various fractions of Vigov (especially acute were contradictions between the "old" Vigami and "classic liberals"). But they were absorbed in competition between Vigami and Tori. This competition is brighter expressed in debate on the church issue.

These debates were reduced to disputes whether the parliament would receive the right to dispose of the income of the Church on the grounds that it was a state institution? Vigi offered to reform the device of the Anglican Church so that the revenues of the church were in charge of parliament. Tori insisted on the preservation of the existing situation, when the church itself was a hostess of its income. Ultimately, the point of view of Tori won.

The indicator of fractional conflicts in the liberal camp has become a special position on the issue of the Irish Church of the Four Cabinet of Gray Cabinet, which in May 1834 stated that they would rather come out of the government, which would agree to the transfer of income of the Irish Church to Parliament. The leader of the opposition four Lord Stanley tried to form his own "Party Party", immediately ninked about the "Conno" Trolley Derby ". However, the third force in Parliament did not last long. By 1837, the" trolley "collapsed into two parts: Most supporters of Lord Stanley returned To Vigam, and Lord Wenna himself, along with Sir J. Graham moved to the side of Tori.

Coron's attempt has not been able to create a parliamentary center. In November 1834, Wilhelm IV put forward a project for the formation of a coalition cabinet of ministers from the so-called people of the center: liberal conservatives and "conservative liberals" (eliminating "extreme Tori", fractions of liberals and radicals). This coalition government, according to the king, was intended to prevent the radical decision of the church question, since the British Crown was not against the redistribution of income of the Irish Church, but it sought to reform in such a way that church income was controlled by a non-parliament, but by the king. He considered the proposals of Liberals on the church question "the appeal of the British for subversive activities and the attack of parliamentary parties to the established rules."

The leaders of the Torian and Wig Party Pil and Melbourne warned Wilhelm IV that his project was unreal. Pil, for example, disresano noticed that "after the section of the ministries between the opposing parties it would be impossible to submit that the government, composed of the members of the opposing parties, peacefully functioned."

The year, from spring 1834 (when supporters of Stanley came from the liberal government of Gray) until the spring of 1835 (when the followers of the saw were forced to retreat from conservative ideas), politically was saturated and tense. Prussian historian and statesman Professor F. Roumer, visiting England at the beginning of 1835, in letters home so characterized the general atmosphere of English life: "Here, it seems, the air is impregnated with politics itself."

Strengthening the confrontation of Vigov and Tori led to internal cohesion of both liberal and conservative "parties" of parliament. It manifested itself primarily in the fact that the deputies in their activities began to be guided primarily by party interests. Already in the 30s of the XIX century. The real independence of deputies from party installations was extremely rare. In the 40s, she disappeared almost at all. Despite the fact that the leaders of the parties were not solved directly through circular letters to indicate their supporters a line of behavior, they knew exactly on whose support could count, since the interfractive struggle weakened, and the time of independent single deputies has already passed. So, in 1839 F. Bonham, the coordinator of the conservative party elections, describing the political addiction of members of parliament in the letter to R., confidently divided them into two camps, revealing only five "dubious" deputies (i.e. those who else I have not decided on what party to join), and those he called "rather conservative."

The House of Lords also divided into two opposition to each other groups of Vigov and Tori. The "third force" existing in it is "Corona Part", i.e. King's supporters disappeared by the 30th of the XIX century. Most "Korona's supporters" moved to Tori's ranks, which was not surprising, since for 50 years of Toria rule (from Pitt to Wellington) "Corona Part" always secretly or clearly supported the activities of the ruling cabinet. When Vigi put forward their Bill on reform in 1831, from 30 peers only 2 voted for the bill. Describing the alignment of the forces in the House of Lords after the reform of 1832, the official of the secret council of Tori Charles Greville noted in the diary: "Everyone is now either Tory, either Wigami; make up party lists and fight for power."

The majority in the House of Lords were behind the conservatives, and therefore it actively counteraged the activities of the parliamentary majority in the community chamber. It should be noted that the House of Lords in the first half of the XIX century. It was not the peculiar honorary syncore for the political pensioners, which she is now. In the hands of Lords, real power focused, in particular the right of veto and the right of a referendum, with the help of which they could effectively influence the community chamber. So, in 1846, the peers managed to make cancellation of bread laws on the basis of quite constitutional arguments nominated by the Duke of Wellington. He stated: "We know that we must reject this law, because it was agreed only with the two branches of power: with the crown and with the Chamber of Commons. The position of the House of Lords is that we are opposed to these laws, and we have the right to cancel these laws. These laws, as for their adoption, the consent of all three branches of government is needed. Milorda, we must remember: the House of Lords can do nothing without the House of Commons and the Crown, but also they should not act without the consent of the House of Lords. "

In general, in the 30s-40s of the XIX century. The Lords Chamber was a serious opposition to the liberal cabinets of Gray, Melbourne and Russell. It is its support in many ways to explain the coming to power of the conservative governments of Pille and Derby (in 1841 and 1852).

The confrontation between liberals and conservatives in Westminster reflected a common position in the country. If, according to a survey conducted by conservatives in 1826, most of the electorate was politically neutral, then ten years later, "a whole nation split into two large opposition parties." After 1836, even in rural districts it was less likely to meet the practice of "indisputable choice."

In the new conditions, when the number of voters was expanded and the struggle aggravated for votes, it was necessary to develop a certain tactic for the campaign. It is difficult to see a significant difference between tactical methods of liberals and conservatives. Both, and the other party created social and political organizations and appealed to public opinion through the holding of election rates, the publication of political letters and pamphlets with the provisions of their own election program and criticism in the address of rivals. But it should be noted that the preservative election campaigns were better financially provided and better organized from the point of view of purely procedural issues (registration sheets, etc.).

It is the skillful organization of a pre-election struggle in combination with major financial injections should be considered the main cause of the victory of conservatives in 1841 elections, as fairly indicated by the English Conservative Historian N. Gash: "Conservatives between 1832 and 1841 became the first in the parliamentary history of Britain by an example of a party, which He managed to organize himself a victory in the elections, contrary to the desires of the royal power and most of the House of Commons, only by attracting votes voters in the elections. "

Summing up, it can be argued that, despite the moderate nature of the election reform of 1832, she had significant consequences for the political life of England.

First, in parliament, there were still few representatives of the trade and industrial bourgeoisie, which united in the grouping of "classic liberals" ("philosophical radicals") and radicals that were adjacent to Wigam, since the latter were previously related to trade and industrial circles.

Secondly, an increase in the number of electors led to a rise in political activity of the population, first of all the "middle class". His representatives felt herself involved in the political process. The procedure for the formation of the ruling cabinet has now depended not only on the desire of the crown and the interests of the "parliamentary elite", but also on the position of public opinion - a new real power on the political scene of Great Britain. Especially brightly politicization of public life manifested itself in cities, where voters were more disassembled and less dependent on candidates than residents of rural districts, where the selective function of the villagers was woven into the system of its socio-economic ties.

Regardless of the one who defeated the elections: conservatives or liberals, the tendency of public life politicization and strengthening the importance for the Westminster of public opinion was an indicator of the liberalization of English society in the 1930s of the XIX century. This contributed to the spread of liberal ideas and the formation of liberal thinking, involving freedom of economic and political choice. This is the main importance of reform 1832.

Thirdly, the consequence of the parliamentary reform of 1832 was a change in the forms and methods of referring to the candidates for the election campaign. Representatives of parliamentary groups had the need to deal with votes. This led to the creation of political clubs who played the role of "party" organizations that carried out the leadership of the election campaign. "Party" appeared. The prevalence of deputies and pre-election rallies were distributed. A major role in the campaign played a print. It is since this time that the real pre-election "War of Pamphlets" begins. Moreover, liberal journalism was much more active and conservative. However, the conservatives have a much generous financed their election campaigns, which contributed to the best organization of elections.

Fourth, the election reform contributed to the consolidation of fractions and groups of Vigov and Tory, which from this time are increasingly referred to as liberals and conservatives, since the activities of the ruling Wig Cabinets of Gray and Melbourne went beyond the scope of Wigism and often wore a frankly surgery liberal character. The Thorian Cabinet, who came to replace them, also launched from the "extreme Tory" and conducted a policy of "liberal torism". Thus, the priority in the groups of Vigov and Tori becomes a liberal and conservative direction. In the 30s of the XIX century. A combination of various fractions began around representatives of these currents. Thori began to unite, counteracting parliamentary reform, which led already in 1846 to form a conservative party.

We had a wider social base, but due to this less organized and divided into small groups of liberals during this period only the combination process was started. However, the process of consolidating the liberal direction also became an important consequence of the parliamentary reform of 1832.

The consequence of the consolidation of party groups and the growth of political confrontation between them was the impossible existence in the Parliament of the third force represented by the "Crown Party". This testified that the parliamentary groups began to grow into political parties that began to fight votes.

3. American Tory and Vigi

American Tori and Vigi were not formed by political parties. They did not have programs, charter, party organizations. Typically, the name of Tori ("loyalists") and Vigov ("revolutionaries") was given to everyone who participated in the struggle on the one or the other side. The main organizing centers for Vigov were the legislative assemblies of the colonies, the Continental Congress and the command of the army of the colonies. Supporters of the British Government - Tori were the landowner aristocrats who had literants on the Earth from the English king, or the faces who bought the lands from the aristocrats and acquired the rights king together with the Earth. In the ranks of Tori, preferred merchants were also stood, some rich planters of southern colonies, the clergy of the dominant Anglican Episcopal Church, royal judges, officials. Tori grouped around the command and headquarters of the British army, and their supporters led the subversive work in the rear in the colonists. In total, during the war, the British helped from 30 to 50 thousand loyalists. In addition, much more Indians fought on the side of the loyalists than on the side of Vigov. During the war, at the end of it, up to 100 thousand loyalists, considering the members of their families, moved to Canada and in the West Indian colonies of England.

The main stronghold of loyalists were New York, New Jersey and Georgia. They had strong positions in Pennsylvania and in both carolines.

Vigi relied on Massachusetts and other colonies of New England, to Maryland, Virginia and Western regions of most colonies. The merchants somewhat divided into two camps, but in New England, they unanimously fought against the British.

The main force of Vigov was a farmery that required land and, in particular, the rights of free settling of lands in the West. Workers manufactory, artisans and a small bourgeoisie cities were also wagami, those layers who most suffered from the oppression of the British administration. Vigov headed the bourgeoisie of the American colonies. The prominent role was played by Vigi George Washington, Hamilton, Jay, a rich kid-smuggler of Hancock. The banker and merchant Morris also enjoyed great influence.

In the camp of Vigov, there was a bourgeois-democratic wing, presented by T. Jefferson, S. Adams, V. Franklin, T. Pain and others. In the number of Vigov, it was also part of the southerners planters, mainly from Virginia, where, due to the depletion of land, the slave-owned economy was experiencing a sharp crisis and where the planters were particularly dissatisfied with the royal prohibition to translate to the West.

There were discrepancies in the Revolution camp, and sometimes there was a struggle between a conservative wing, consisting of rich people - merchants, planters, and a liberal or radical wing, in which there were minor farmers, artisans, workers. These contradictions also affected the struggle for the leadership of correspondent committees, and in conflicts between radical, bourgeois-democratic workers of the Congress (S. Adams and others) with the Commander-in-Chief Washington, and on the issue of the appeal of blacks in the army, and in many others. During the war years, the internal struggle was extremely aggravated in American colonies. But the basic placement of the forces occurred between two camps - Vigov and Tori. Correspondent committees held confiscation of Tori lands who fought against colonists or involved in subversive activities in the rear. The population was irritated to the sabotage and subversive activities, the population broke into the dwellings of local rich, supporters of the British, and was painted with them. Folk masses resolutely stopped the subversive activities of Tori.

Conclusion

Having written the course work on the topic: "Tory and Vigi" Let's make the following conclusions:

In England, in the 17-19 centuries, a constant confrontation between the representatives of the two parties - Vigov and Tory was conducted. It is for these two parties alternately for two centuries based leaders of the country.

Many historians shared the entire population of England on Vigov or Tori. And those and others had internal contradictions that share them for currents. But at the same time, representatives and other destinations were able to combine forces at the right moments.

Vigi became the initiators of the electoral reform of 1832, after which he was intercepted by Tori leadership.

In America, there were their Vigi and Tori, who did not take shape as political parties and had explicit differences from English Vigov and Tori.

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